


THE EXPULSION OF GERMANS By Dr. Alfred de Zayas The main speaker at the premiere of the documentary travelling exhibition "In the Claws of the Red Dragon" in Pittsburgh last year, organized in cooperation with Dr. Marianne Bouvier and B. John Zavrel,was Dr. Alfred de Zayas, a prominent expert in international law; he is an American of Spanish-French descent. After law school at Harvard, de Zayas went to Germany on a Fulbright fellowship, took a doctorate in History at the University of Goettingen. He works as a legal consultant in New York and Geneva, Switzerland, and is the author of several books dealing with the subject of the Expulsion of Germans in Europe. The following is a transcript of the essential part of the excellent lecture on the Expulsion which he gave in Pittsburgh. Dear Friends, When I was a student of history at Harvard back in 1970, I knew nothing at all about the Expulsion of Germans. None of my history professors considered this event sufficiently notable to mention it, much less to assign a research paper on it. It was curiously not in history class, but in a seminar on Law of War that I first heard about the Expulsion. At that time I still could not read or speak German, but my law professor, the late Richard Baxter, who was subsequently the American judge at the International Court of Justice, encouraged me to pursue the matter and he brought to my attention two books in English that touched upon the subject matter. Those were the books of Victor Gollancz Our Threatened Values and In Darkest Germany. Victor Gollancz was a British socialist and a human rights activist. I was so impressed by Gollancz that I later dedicated my first book, Nemesis at Potsdam, to his memory. Now, when I first approached the subject matter, I thought naively enough that it was a legitimate field of research, like any other. But I soon learned that it was no accident that there was nearly nothing written in English on the theme -- it was taboo, it was not chic, it was not fashionable to do research or to publish in this field. After all, Germans were looked at in a rather monolithic fashion as all Nazis, and not deserving any degree of human sympathy. As citizens of the "evil empire" they were morally disqualified "ad illicio." It is perhaps curious to compare it with the way the press today deals with the Soviet system, but thank God the press has not thought of disqualifying the Russian people and considering them "ad illicio" as criminals only because their system is an inhuman, anti-democratic system. Now, what actually happened with regard to the Germans at the end of the Second World War, the previous speaker has already outlined and given you the figures of the Expulsion. Obviously you can take the simplistic view and say, "Hitler started the war, he lost the war, therefore the Germans have to take the consequences," but I don't think that this axiom actually exhausts the subject matter. As you may or may not know, the expulsion syndrome was actually started by Hitler himself. After subjugating Poland, he expelled over 1 million Poles from western Poland, from the areas that were annexed by the Reich, and pushed them off into so-called General-government Poland, and he also expelled over 100,000 French from Alsace-Lorraine into Vichy France. And this was a matter that curiously enough was condemned by the Allies during the war, and at the time of the Nuremburg Trials, this expulsion that Hitler carried out for the purpose of "Lebensraum" -- pushing out one ethnic group in order to settle the area with your own -- was declared to be a war crime, and a crime against humanity. Not only in the London Agreement, that was the basis of the Nuremberg Trials, but throughout the trials, and the hearings, and the proceedings, it was constantly brought up, and a number of the German leaders were actually convicted of committing these specific crimes, war crimes and crimes against humanity on the basis of these mass expulsions. So that it is a particular anomaly that the Allies themselves got involved in a policy of expulsion of a far greater extent than the one that had been carried out under the Nazis. Now, it is not just the Expulsion that is of interest to us and you have seen the pictures, a great many of which are devoted to the flight of German civilians from the Red Army in 1944. In October of 1944 the Red Army entered East Prussia, and they entered the area of Gumbinden, Nemmersdorf, and Metgethen and they occupied the area for approximately two weeks and pretty much decimated the civilian population. Thereupon the German army was able to re-occupy the area, and they realized what had happened. The legal division of the German Army was given the assignment of investigating what had happened; a great many persons, -- witnesses who saw the bodies, when they came in, -- gave their depositions, and their sworn testimony is available for the study of any researchers. Now, it was this kind of occupation by the Russians that forced the flight. You may compare the American occupation of the Rhineland, of Duesseldorf, of Cologne, of Koblenz, and you will realize that the Germans living in these areas had no need to flee from the American Army, whereas you had 5 million Germans from East Prussia, from Pomerania, Silesia, East Brandenburg, who helter- skelter and pell-mell had to leave the area. Surely, not because they wanted to leave the area in the middle of the winter of 1945, but because they realized that the entire population of Nemmersdorf and of other cities had been liquidated. This aspect of the Expulsion, just the loss of life involved would have been enough, I would say, for any historian to devote attention to it, but as I already mentioned, the flight has been largely ignored. Now, these refugees were basically turned into expellees when they were not allowed to return to their homeland. Because certainly at the time of the flight, the German refugees were expecting to return to their homelands at the end of hostilities. But, before I go into the nature of the Expulsion itself, I wanted to cite from George Kennan as to the nature of the flight. In his Memoirs, Volume 1, page 265, he wrote "the disaster that befell this area, (speaking of East Prussia) with the entry of the Soviet forces has no parallel in modern European experience. There were considerable sections of it where, to judge by all existing evidence, scarcely a man, woman, or child of the indigenous population was left alive after the initial passage of Soviet forces; and one cannot believe that they all succeeded in fleeing to the West." Obviously Kennan'sMemoirs are not devoted to the Expulsion of the Germans, but he does have several pages in which he describes it from the perspective of an American official at the American embassy in Moscow. As far as the decisions with regard to the Expulsion of the Germans, those were taken as early as at the Teheran Conference, and confirmed, or actually expanded, at the Yalta Conference, and finally at the Potsdam Conference, where they were more or less articulated in ARTICLE 13 of the Potsdam Protocol. In this ARTICLE 13 the allies agreed that it was necessary to transfer the German populations from what they referred to as Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary. They did not mention the Donauschwaben, the areas in Yugoslavia, or the areas in Rumania, but in fact all of these countries were in the process of pushing the Germans out at the time. And the reason for these expulsions from East Prussia, Rumania and from Silesia was ostensibly that Poland was to be given compensation. Compensation for the territory of eastern Poland that had been annexed by the Soviet Union pursuant to the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact of 1939. People, and very many historians conveniently seem to forget that the outbreak of the World War II in 1939 was caused not only by Hitler, but also by Stalin: Soviet Union invading the eastern half of Poland, and Germany invading the western half. Stalin made it very clear at Teheran that he was certainly intending to keep the half of Poland that he had invaded, and he ended up keeping it. But not only that, he ended up taking up a good slice of East Prussia, which is today part of the Soviet Union, and Koenigsberg is today, as you all probably know, called "Kaliningrad." As far as the lip service that was paid to human rights, you will read in ARTICLE 13 of the Potsdam Protocol, that these expulsions were to be carried out in an "orderly and humane fashion." Now, as far as the nature of the Expulsion, or the manner in which the expulsions were carried out, I wanted to quote very briefly from Victor Gollancz's book Our Threatened Values, on page 96 where he says: "If the conscience of men ever again becomes sensitive, these expulsions will be remembered to the undying shame of all who committed or connived them... The Germans were expelled, not just with an absence of over-nice considera- tion, but with the very maximum of brutality." Now, I'm quoting Gollancz precisely because he is not German. In the German archives in Koblenz, you have over 40,000 reports of survivors that are open to all researchers, and there you will see what the survivors have to say. Some critical voices might say they have an axe to grind, that they are just trying to excuse themselves. But you have extensive documentation -- American, British, French documentation that prove the nature of the expulsions as an exceedingly cruel and brutal expulsion. Particularly sad is the fact that if you compare that with our commitments, because after all, ostensibly the Americans and British entered the war on behalf of democracy and for certain principles of humanity and fair play -- and, after all, in August of 1941 President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill had agreed in the middle of the Atlantic on the ship Augusta on the so-called Atlantic Charter, and the Atlantic Charter provided that neither would seek territorial or other aggrandizement, and they both undertook a commitment to oppose, and I quote, "territorial changes that do not accord with the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned." So, in light of the principles which we ourselves proclaimed as our peace aims, it is most regrettable that at the end of the war we did not live up to those principles. The moral question therefore arises: if the allies fought against the Nazi enemy because of this inhuman message, could they then adopt some of those same methods in retribution? Who was it then who succeeded in imposing his methods on the other? Whose outlook triumphed? I think this is a question that we all have to answer to ourselves. Robert Murphy, the political advisor of General Eisenhower, and later the political advisor of Clay during the occupation in Germany, was one of the first official voices in the American government that opposed the Expulsion, and to criticize the manner in which the Expulsion was being carried out. In a memorandum to the State Department of 12 October 1945 he presented this moral dilemma very eloquently, and I quote in part: "Knowledge that they are the victims of a harsh political decision carried out with the utmost ruthlessness and disregard for the humanities does not cushion the effect. The mind reverts to other mass deportations which horrified the world and brought upon the Nazis the odium which they so deserved. Those mass deportations engineered by the Nazis provided part of the moral basis on which we waged war and which gave strength to our cause. Now the situation is reversed. We find ourselves in the invidious position of being partners in this German enterprise and as partners inevitably sharing the responsiblity." As a result of this and all the memoranda of Murphy, the American government repeatedly protested at Warsaw and at Prague and tried to get some cooperation from the Czechoslovak government and from the Polish government. But unfortunately the Soviet occupation forces in those areas encouraged both the Polish and the Czechoslovak governments in the Expulsion, so there was no way for the U.S. to effectively stop it. With regard to the legal aspects of the Expulsion, were such expulsions to take place today, there is no question that it would constitute the violation of various provisions of international law. ARTICLE 49 of the Geneva Convention of 1949 prohibits specifically such expulsions. I'm speaking of the Geneva Convention for the protection of civilians. ARTICLES 3 and 4 of the Fourth Protocol of the European Human Rights Convention also prohibits such expulsions. It would also be incompatible with ARTICLES 12 and 13 of the International Covenant on civil and political rights. It would be incompatible with the General Convention of 1948 and with several other instruments. But obviously, at the time of the Expulsion none of these instruments were in force. So the only applicable principles were the Hague Conventions, in particular, the Hague Regulations, ARTICLES 42-56, which limited the rights of occupying powers -- and obviously occupying powers have no rights to expel the populations -- so there was the clear violation of the Hague Regulations. And, obviously, if you want to apply the Nuremberg principles to the German Expulsions, considering that the London Agreement was supposed to reflect, and not to create international law, so if that was applicable to the German crimes against the Poles with regard to deportation of Poles, and deportation of French for purposes of "Lebensraum," certainly it was applicable to the expulsions by the Poles of Germans and by the Czechs of Germans. So, if you apply these Nuremberg principles and the Nuremberg judgement, you would have to arrive at the conclusion that the Expulsion of the Germans clearly constituted war crimes and crimes against humanity. Now as you all know, the more than 12 million German expellees who survived, and who have come to the Federal Republic of Germany, have been integrated into the democracy that the Federal Republic of Germany is, and have contributed to the European reconstruction and to the so-called Wirtschaftswunder, which was facilitated through the funds of the Marshall Plan. And one of the most noble things that the German expellees did, and I would invite all non-Germans to try to place yourselves in the position of the German expellees, and try to see it through their eyes, what it meant having lost homelands that were over 700 years German; having lost half of their families in the process of the expulsion, having suffered what they all suffered, having being spoliated and having been victimized, -- what it meant to adopt the Stuttgart Charter of the German Expellees, which provides specifically for renunciation of revenge and renunciation of violence. I wanted to quote from this document, which is also on one of the placards. I quote: "We, the expellees, renounce all thought of revenge and retaliation. Our resolution is a solemn and sacred one, in memory of the infinite suffering brought upon mankind, particularly during the past decade." Now, consider what it meant to write that, at a time when the memories were still very fresh, and when the wounds were not yet healed. I think it is a tremendous contribution to peace, tremendous contribution to the normalization of the post- war Europe. For this contribution of the German expellees to peace in Europe, earlier this year the German American National Congress (DANK) passed a resolution to nominate the Union of Expellees for the Nobel Peace Prize, thus joining the earlier initiative of parliament members of several nations from the European Parliament. Why this honor to the Union of Expellees? Because the German expellees have done more for peace in Europe, than they are credited for. Indeed, the more than 12 million surviving expellees from East Prussia, Pomerania, East Brandenburg, Silesia, Sudetenland, etc. could have turned to terrorism like the Palestinian refugees, and they could have developed into a major destabilizing element in Europe after 1945. Instead, they proclaimed the Charter of the German Expellees in 1950, in which they proclaimed themselves to the peaceful reconstruction of Europe, and pledged never to use violent means to achieve their right to the homeland. We must also keep in mind, however, that these expellees and their descendants are today -- 43 years after the Expulsion -- still waiting for a just settlement of this great injustice, and for return to their ancestral homelands in the Central and Eastern Europe. As a final thought, I wanted to encourage all students here, to consider the Expulsion of the Germans as a worthwhile field of research. I would like to encourage professors to give research papers and research assignments on the basis of the many, many aspects of the Expulsion. As I mentioned the archives, both the Bundesarchiv in Koblenz, and also the National Archives in Washington are full of relevant, unpublished materials, which would more than satisfy a doctoral requirement, if you wanted to take a doctorate on any question of the Expulsion of the Germans. And more importantly, and I rather hope that it will happen, I look forward to the great novelist, who will put down this history in a novel. I think that there is more than enough material for a Gone With the Wind, and I would welcome a Margaret Mitchell, who would write a novel depicting the very human and very deeply felt tragedy of the Expulsion of these victims of politics and of politicians. I thank you. Copyright 1999 Museum of European Art "Note: There was a three volume complete set of the Expulsions which we believe was published by the Hague in the Netherlands, shortly after the expulsions were ordered by the so-called "Big Three". The expulsions were supposed to be orderly, but were anything but. After investigations were ordered by interested parties, the bodies of the murdered non-combatants were either moved or cremated to avoid prosecution. Then the books on the expulsions were ordered recalled or destroyed, so no one could learn the truth. The orders for the recall were probably ordered by someone in high places in Washington, D.C. A similar problem happened with the white women inhabitants of the former Belgium Congo, who were raped, tortured, their bodies violated, and murdered. A publication was produced by Belgium at that time was ordered removed from circulation. An inquiry was made to the Belgium Consulate in New York, but no answer was ever forthcoming on why the truth was suppressed. After hostilities had ceased and several years after world war II, probably sometime around 1966, I was interested in receiving information from the German Information Center in New York regarding information on the two Germanies, and various films and books were sent to me, purely for research purposes. When I went to the post office (the Griffith Street office) in Jersey City, NJ to retrieve some of the films, I was advised by the clerk to desist receiving films from the West German Government or else. I don't know what happened after that, but I never saw that clerk again. Today, in the eastern part of the United States, many of us German-Americans are still referred to as Nazis. The media won't permit us to have social articles printed, and the German stock market information is non-existent here. This, of course, is not so in South Carolina, Milwaukee or Chicago, and other large Metropolises in the south, middle America or even the west coast." Johannes Rammund De Balliel-Lawrora German-American World Historical Society We recommend these books: A Terrible Revenge, by Dr. Alfred Maurice de Zayas Primer for Those Who Would Govern, by Hermann Oberth Castle to Castle, by Louis-Ferdinand Celine Seven Years in Tibet, by Heinrich Harrer Arno Breker: The Divine Beauty in Art, by B. John Zavrel Alexander the Great, by Robin Lane Fox Keep informed - join our newsletter: Subscribe to EuropeanArt Powered by www.egroups.com Copyright 2001 West-Art PROMETHEUS, Internet Bulletin for Art, Politics and Science. ======================================== European Refugee Movements After World War Two By Bernard Wasserstein 1. Post-war scramble 2. Expulsion of Germans 3. Further expulsions 4. Other wanderers 5. International response 6. Legacy 7. Find out more Print entire article Expulsion of Germans The end of the war in Europe was only the beginning of the suffering for millions of people left homeless by the fighting, released from captivity or expelled as an act of vengeance. The end of World War Two brought in its wake the largest population movements in European history. Millions of Germans fled or were expelled from eastern Europe. Hundreds of thousands of Jews, survivors of the genocide perpetrated by the Nazis, sought secure homes beyond their native lands. And other refugees from every country in eastern Europe rushed to escape from the newly installed Communist regimes. 'The expulsions were ... conducted in a ruthless and often brutal manner.' At the Potsdam Conference in July 1945, British, American and Russian leaders agreed to '... recognise that the transfer to Germany of German populations ... remaining in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary, will have to be undertaken.' They also specified that '... any transfers that take place should be effected in an orderly and humane manner.' The expulsions were, in fact, conducted in a ruthless and often brutal manner. Some of the people who left those eastern countries were recent arrivals, who had been settled in German-conquered territories by the Nazis as part of their long-term plan for German domination of eastern Europe. But most of those being expelled came of stock whose ancestors had been settled in the eastern lands for generations, and who knew no other place as home. The Volksdeutsche, as the Nazis had called them were, however, for the most part, victims of a calamity of which they were themselves part-authors. Not all were Nazis, but a majority had become supporters of Hitler. (This is open to discussion) Displaced persons in Vienna, 1946 © Even before the end of the war the greater part of the German population of East Prussia had fled westwards - although thousands drowned en route, in overloaded ships that sank in the Baltic Sea, and which had been torpedoed by Russian Submarines. In the city of Königsberg, annexed by the USSR, the food supply broke down completely in 1945. People were reduced to eating Offal, and human flesh was offered for sale as fried meatballs. Seven centuries of German civilisation, in the city that had nurtured philosophers such as Immanuel Kant and Johann Gottfried von Herder, thus ended in cannibalism. By 1949 nearly all the surviving Germans in the region had been driven out. 'At the peak period ... 14,400 people a day were being dumped over the frontier.' In Poland, German-owned farms and houses were handed over to Poles. Germans were rounded up by Polish militias and put in camps, before being removed from the country. In Czechoslovakia, more than 2.2 million Germans were expelled, and their property was expropriated. At the peak period, in July 1946, 14,400 people a day were being dumped over the frontier. About three quarters went to the American occupation zone of Germany, and most of the remainder to the Soviet zone. About 60,000 Germans had already fled from Hungary before the end of the war, some travelling by boat up the Danube. After the war the government ordered the German population to leave en bloc. As their trains left, some deportees tried to affirm their loyalty by waving Hungarian flags, singing Magyar folk songs, and chalking on the sides of the carriages slogans such as, 'We don't say goodbye, only au revoir!' Most were sent to Germany, but from some villages the entire adult population was deported to labour camps in the Donets Basin of the Soviet Union. By the end of the expulsions only about 200,000 Germans remained in Hungary. Family of German refugees, September1945 © In Romania, from the autumn of 1944, tens of thousands of the Swabian Germans of the Banat, and more from the ancient Saxon communities of Transylvania - long- established outposts of German peasant and mercantile life - loaded their wagons and hitched their horses for the long trek to their ancestral homeland. By 1948 the pre-war German population of 780,000 had been reduced by more than half. '... Germans who were expelled or who departed voluntarily from eastern Europe ... mounted to 11.5 million ...' Virtually all the half million Germans in Yugoslavia fled, were expelled, or were sent to labour camps by the victorious Communist partisan forces. An estimated 27,000 were sent to camps in the Soviet Union. Violence against the Volksdeutsche here was probably more relentless than in any other country. According to official West German accounts (perhaps exaggerated) at least 610,000 Germans were killed in the course of the expulsions. The total number of Germans who were expelled or who departed voluntarily from eastern Europe after the end of the war mounted to 11.5 million by 1950. Other wanderers: A displaced person returns from a German prison camp © As the German presence in eastern Europe was thus abruptly terminated, the Germans' foremost victims were also turned into refugees. Surviving Jews from concentration camps who returned to their homes found that they were unwelcome. Their property had new occupants who were generally reluctant to vacate the premises. 'Hundreds of thousands ... fled westwards ... most of them hoping to get to North America.' In Poland and Slovakia pogroms broke out, in which Jews were killed. Over 100,000 Jews infiltrated to the western powers' occupation zones in Germany and Austria. Most sought permission to enter Palestine - but the British mandatory government there denied entry to all save a handful. They therefore remained stuck for years in so- called displaced persons' camps. Other wanderers were also on the move in the early months of the peace. Nearly two million Poles were compulsorily transferred from eastern areas of Poland that had been annexed by the USSR. They took the place of Germans expelled from the formerly German regions of Pomerania and Silesia, now transferred to Poland. Half a million Ukrainians, Belorussians and others were deported from Poland to the Soviet Union. Hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians, Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians, Croats, and others, fearful of reprisals for wartime collaboration, fled westwards from all over eastern Europe, most of them hoping to get to North America. The integration of the millions of refugees in their countries of arrival was not easy. European states were, in the main, too preoccupied with the sufferings of their own citizens and with the tasks of reconstruction to have much compassion to spare. The millions of Germans from the east who suddenly found themselves in a fatherland that most of them had never seen before became for a while a dangerous element in politics, easy prey to nationalist demagogues spouting irredentist talk. 'Over two million Soviet citizens were returned by the western Allies to areas under Soviet control.' The international response to the refugee crisis took both legal and organisational form. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 guaranteed a '... right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution', and forbade the arbitrary deprivation of nationality. The Geneva Convention on Refugees of 1951 defined refugees, accorded them specific rights, and prohibited their refoulement (or forcible return) from countries of refuge. Meanwhile a United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) had been created in 1943. UNRRA was succeeded by the International Refugee Organisation, established in 1946; and that in turn gave way to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees in 1950. All these bodies, however, were plagued by political conflict, in particular the outbreak of the Cold War. UNRRA was limited under its Articles of Agreement to assisting in the 'repatriation or return' to their home countries of 'displaced persons'. It transported millions of former concentration-camp dwellers, forced labourers and other victims of the Nazis to countries such as France, Belgium, and Greece. Over two million Soviet citizens were returned by the western Allies to areas under Soviet control. They were moved in batches, generally in return for equivalent numbers of citizens of western countries, an equivalence insisted upon by the Soviet authorities. Many of the Soviets departed willingly. But others did not, and their forcible return conflicted with the 'non- refoulement' principle. Many citizens of east European states that were taken over by Communists also resisted repatriation. Most sought refuge in western Europe, the United States, Canada, or Australia. Cold War considerations, combined with calculation of labour requirements in industries such as mining, led Britain, Australia and other countries to grant Poles and some others permanent settlement. The creation of the State of Israel in 1948 finally provided a secure refuge for Jews who had been hounded from their homes in central and eastern Europe. But the buoyant United States economy held out the most tantalising hope to refugees. Legacy: American refugee policy in the post-war period was driven by conflicting tendencies towards isolationist restrictionism and Cold War internationalism. The former approach was staunchly advocated by powerful figures in Congress and important organs of public opinion, for example, the Chicago Tribune. 'The deepening of east-west conflict in the early years of the Cold War provided the context for subsequent US legislation.' In 1948 the Displaced Persons Act, primarily inspired by anti-Communism, finally led to a relaxation of US immigration policy. The US Escapee Program was established in the same year, and offered sanctuary to a limited number of refugees from Communist countries. The deepening of east-west conflict in the early years of the Cold War provided the context for subsequent US legislation. The Refugee Relief Act of 1953 provided for the admission over three years of 214,000 refugees - of these, it was laid down that 186,000 should be from Communist countries. By 1959 some 900,000 European refugees had been absorbed by west European countries. In addition, 461,000 had been accepted by the USA, and a further 523,000 by other countries. But many 'hard-core' refugees still remained in camps. At that point the United Nations launched an ambitious effort to resolve the refugee problem once and for all. World Refugee Year, in 1959-1960, was designed as a 'clear the camps' drive. It achieved some significant results - at any rate in Europe. By the end of 1960, for the first time since before World War Two, all the refugee camps of Europe were closed. But the global refugee problem was far from solved. In Africa and Asia millions of fugitives from persecution, hunger, and natural disasters continued to scramble for secure homes. Europe, hitherto mainly an exporter of refugees, henceforth became a net importer. Today the United Nations estimates that over 17 million asylum seekers, refugees and stateless people are seeking homes worldwide. Published: 2005-04-28 ================================= Dealing with the Legacy of World War 2: The Expulsion of German Minorities from Eastern Europe: Current Debates and Tensions!! Student: Cecile Combes Universite' Marc Bloch Strasbourg Date: January 2006 Introduction: The expulsion of German minorities from Eastern territories after the 2nd World War is a part of history that has for a long time been surpressed. Germany has always been haunted by its historical culpability. But since 2002, a change in attitudes occurred- partly due to the increase in the number of reports on this subject, as Quentin Perret’s noticed. 1) Since 2000, the project led by the German League of Expellees to build a Centre Against Expulsion in Berlin which mainly focused on the fate of the German minorities continues to fuel tensions between Germany and Poland. 2) Further conflicts between the two countries arose in 2004 and these were due to demands from the Prussian Claims Society concerning goods left by Germans in Poland more than 50 years ago. Debates are now mainly focused on the Centre and the image it might convey to the next generations if it is built in Berlin. This idea was strongly criticised by both German and Polish politicians and intellectuals. But Angela Merkel (German Chancellor) supports the building of the Centre in Berlin although the Polish President Kwasniewski warned Germany about the bad consequences this construction could have on their bilateral relationships. Many questions remain unanswered in this debate: do past events still have influence on Polish society and its views on Germany? What role would the Centre Against Expulsion play and does it hide any danger concerning the way past historical events will be understood? First of all, I will explain the origins of the current tensions between Germany and Poland. The second part of my work will be focused on the emergence of ethnic cleansing in the 19th century and what it implies, considering the millions of Europeans involved. 1. Quentin Perret, Allemagne : polémique sur le « Centre des expulsions », available from http://repid. com/articleImprim.php3?id_article=126. 2. Zentrum gegen Vertreibung who were victim of it. The third part will deal with aspects of German expulsions from Eastern territories that were decided at the Potsdam Conference on August 2, 1945. Finally, the German exodus from Poland itself will be the subject of the fourth part, with focus on the Polish case. I) The origins of the debates between Germany and Poland: A) The agreement over compensation claims: The Prussian Claims Society was created in 2000 and in early September 2004 its President, Rudi Pawelka, claimed that he had gathered hundreds of complaints of former German expellees from Polish territories. Therefore, he demanded compensation for their lost property. The Prussian Claims Society was in addition ready to take cases to both Polish and European courts. In response to this highly contested decision, on 10th September 2004, the Polish parliament called on the government to estimate the total damages Germany caused to Poland in World War II and to begin talks with Berlin. The text of the resolution stated: “Parliament declares that Poland has not yet received war reparations payments and damages for the enormous extent of destruction and material and non-material cost brought on by German aggression, occupation and genocide”.3 The German Chancellor at that time Gerhard Schröder and Poland’s Prime Minister Marek Belka met on 27th September in Berlin and they decided to set up a joint team of lawyers in charge of dealing with claims for reparations. Their work was to ensure that “individual claims which could be lodged in the courts by Germans are considered null and void.”4 But both politicians agreed that no reparation claims would be taken into account. Marek Belka insisted that the resolution agreed by the Polish parliament had no legally binding effect for him or his government. On the German3 Dennis Stute, “Berlln Shocked By Polish Reparations Vote”, 12th September 2004, available from http://www. dw-world.de/dw/article/0,2144,1325939,00.html4 BBC News, Germans and Poles settle WWII row, 27th September 2004, available from http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/3692444.stm side, Gerhard Schröder stated that both countries considered the question of reparations settled. Tensions worsened then in July 2004, when the German parliament decided to open European talks about the construction of a Centre Against Expulsion. This project was set up by the two chairpersons of the BdV (German League of Expellees), Erika Steinbach and Peter Glotz, that was created on 6th September 2000. B) The project of The Centre Against Expulsion: The objective of the Centre was to counteract displacements and expulsions of peoples all over the world, to outlaw and to prevent expulsions and thus create understanding and reconciliation among nations. The Centre would be built in Berlin and focused on expulsions that affected both Germans after the Second World War and European populations in general. The project has four parts: the first part of the exhibition concerns the expulsions and displacements before 1933 (with the focus on Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey); the second part focuses on the displacements that took place from 1933 to 1945 under National Socialist Germany and the Soviet Union; the third part deals with the expulsions from 1944 to 1950, following the Conference of Potsdam; The last part is dedicated to the expulsions from 1950 to the present. An important part of the exhibition is, nevertheless, focused on the German minorities exclusively and this triggered anger among Poles as it will be explained later. The initial part of this exhibition consists in defining the concept of home country. The purpose is to show how Germans experienced their home country before they were expelled from the various settlement areas. The emphasis is also put on the relationships between the German minority and the ruling majority in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary. The second part is dedicated to the situation of flight and expulsions of the Germans from Eastern Europe towards the end of the Second World War and after the Potsdam Agreement. The conditions in which the refugees had to flee are tackled in this part. The third part deals more especially with the living conditions of the expellees in the occupation zones. Finally, the last part of the exhibition is about the new beginnings of the minorities in the newly formed German Democratic Republic (GDR) as well as abroad as many emigrated to the USA, SouthAmerica or Australia.5 C) The debates over the Centre against Expulsion: The main bone of contention concerns the nature of the Centre itself and the image it will convey to future generations, especially if it is built in Berlin, the former capital of the third Reich. The Polish-German affairs specialist Jerzy Haszynski fears that young Germans will believe that the victims of the Second World War were two People: the Jews and the Germans. The Memorial of the Holocaust has indeed recently been built in Berlin so the Centre Against Expulsion should, according to him, not be in the same city. Haszynski denounces the fact that Poles are portrayed as a nation of perpetrators and accused Erika Steinbach of comparing the suffering of the German expellees to those of Holocaust victims. The newly elected Polish President Kwasniewski also confirmed his opposition to the building of the Centre, pointing out that some Germans would like to revise history and see Germans as victims rather than perpetrators. In Germany, Angela Merkel clearly supports the idea of building this Centre of Expulsion. She assured that the centre will not become a monument to German martyrdom and will not change the German approach to the history of the Third Reich and its consequences.6 Unlike her, the former Chancellor Schröder was opposed to the idea of building the centre in Berlin and he asked several times the BdV to reconsider whether Berlin was really the right place for the memorial. Along with intellectuals such as Günter Grass and the President of the German Parliament Wolfgang Thierse, Schröder promoted the idea of a more European-focused centre that would be located in Poland or in the city of Görlitz-Zgorzelec that is situated on the German-Polish 5 Centre against Expulsion, available from http://www.z-g-v.de/english/aktuelles 6 Hardy Graupner, Berlin Close to New “ Centre of Expulsion”, 1st August 2005, available from http://dw-world.de/popups/popup_printcontent/0,, 1664849,00.html border.7 Now that the issue that divides Germany and Poland is defined, it is important to consider the phenomenon that is at the very origin of this conflict, that is to say ethnic cleansing. Before focusing on the German expulsions from Poland, it is worth trying to understand what factors led to ethnic cleansing and its characteristics. II) The origins of ethnic cleansing: A) Evolution of the conception of state and nation: “Ethnic cleansing" is always directed at a particular ethnic group or nation perceived as harmful, and the goal is always the complete removal of that group from a given territory”.8 By the late 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, the emergence of racist ideas made it desirable to "cleanse" societies and nations. Ethnic cleansing finally became a common practice in Europe in the 20th century and it occurred in four major waves. Before 1933, it mainly affected South-Eastern Europe. The second wave lasted from 1933 to 1945 and was the result of the German conception of a racially clean "Lebensraum" and the advance of the German army. From 1944 to 1950, the Allies themselves adopted ethnic cleansing for their post-war European order. This period led to the expulsion of millions of people, among them German minorities. Finally, from 1950 onwards, ethnic cleansing mainly affected Eastern European states. The development of the idea of a nation and the conception of the modern nation in the 19th century were the two main factors that triggered nationalist feelings and then expulsions. From the late eighteenth century on, various European states began to introduce a set of homogeneous institutions over territories with distinct legal, economic and political systems. The concept of centralization was seen as necessary 7 Expatica, German WWII expellee centre plan angers Poles, 18 July 2005, available from http://www.expatica com/source/site_article.asp subchannel_id=52&story_id=22034&name=German8 Philip Ther and Ana Siljak, Redrawing Nations, Ethnic Cleansing in East-Central Europe ,Lanham, 1944-1948 p 44-47 for modern state bureaucracy. It was argued that bureaucracies needed clear national subdivisions of populations to operate effectively. State business was more efficiently conducted in a single language, state-run schools taught uniform curricula throughout entire territories and military service demanded the inculcation of a single, coherent sense of belonging. Enlightment thinkers, such as the German philosopher Johann Gottfried Herder, began to discuss identities based on language, culture and shared values. While the French model embraced political values such as "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity" to assert its identity, others, such as Germany, relied more on a cultural and linguistic definition of identity. Many of the Eastern European nations did not have their own states before 1918 which made the cultural or linguistic model much more appealing. All the European nations that had already codified languages (such as the Poles, Germans, Danes…) could easily build a sense of national identity whereas others (such as Bulgarians, Croatians, Albanians, Ukrainians…) standardized their languages over the course of the century. The concept of nationalism transformed from an abstract ideology into a social reality and the cultural elite that aimed at spreading a sense of nationality had little tolerance for those outside their definitions. But state building often clashed with the aspirations of newly formed national groups and the process of linguistic and cultural standardization met with more opposition the later it occurred. For example, in Central and Eastern Europe, a number of autonomist or separatists movements began to demand independence using the very terms with which their oppressors were demanding homogeneity. These newly created nations emphasized centralization as well and they themselves were intolerant towards culturally different groups or minorities. As movements for national political independence grew, so did the desire of states and dominant national groups to suppress them. All the great European multinational empires- Ottoman, Habsburg, and Romanov - tried to unify their populations but could not do so on the basis of nationality. They nevertheless failed to create institutional mechanisms by which the various emerging national groups could be integrated and by the end of the 19th century, multinational states were in serious danger. The formation of nation states was even more difficult for countries founded after World War 1 such as Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia that had to start from scratch. In addition these countries had to establish their own rules over different and disputed territories, often partially inhabited by ethnic minorities. In this context, ideas related to the assimilation of minorities began to emerge in Europe.9 B) Attitudes toward minorities: In the 19th century it was commonly believed that “nondominant ethnic groups” could be assimilated within a few generations. 10 For example, Prussian officials were convinced they could “lift” Slavic speakers to supposedly higher levels of German culture. But assimilation policies failed most of the time and minorities began to be considered as a hindrance to the development of states. Attitudes toward minorities especially hardened after World War 1 and during the interwar period, attempts to homogenize disputed territories went hand in hand with centralization. Distinct borders were drawn and each side made careful distinctions between “them” and “us”. Mixed identities or mixed ancestry were less and less tolerated and, in some cases, nation became synonymous with ancestry. Great feats in the field of science, for example medicine, also explained the emergence of ethnic cleansing ideas. The concept of “national engineering” was developed in Prussia in the 19th century and it was used to secure its rule over Polish territories. Ethnic Germans were settled in those territories in the 1830s and the aim was to change the ethnic composition of areas inhabited by Poles. The Poles adopted the same attitude toward Ukrainians in the 20th century so as to preserve the Polishness of territories that were dominated by Ukrainians. To put it in a nutshell, state formation and nation building made ethnic cleansing possible in 9 Philip Ther and Ana Siljak, Redrawing Nations, Lanham, 2001 10 Philip Ther and Ana Siljak, Redrawing Nations, Lanham, 2001 large parts of Europe. In addition, intolerant attitudes toward minorities and ideas of national engineering began to spread among Europeans. The Holocaust represented a highpoint in ethnic cleansing, of course, still it should not been forgotten that the procedure continued after the Second World War, directed against Germans.11 II) The legal basis of the expulsion of German minorities: the Potsdam Agreement: A) Motives of the Soviet Union, Poland and Czechoslovakia: The uprooting of German populations from Eastern- Central Europe was an idea that was first of all supported by Czechoslovakia.12 This was first due to the fact that it had the largest number (close to 3.5 million) and the largest percentage (about 23%) of German minorities among all countries in Europe. In addition, the interest of this massive minority, of which the bulk were the Sudeten Germans, collided too often with those of the Czechoslovak state and this had always caused friction, even before the rise of Hitler. The Czechs had also not forgotten the Munich Agreement of 1938 and the consequences it had on Czechoslovakia.13 Dr Eduard Benes, the exiled President of Czechoslovakia who had been exiled during the Third Reich, initiated ideas about the expulsion of German minorities as early as 1940 and his plan appealed to President Roosevelt. Poland, the other Slavic victim of Hitler, totally agreed with the expulsion of Germans from their country. Although the Polish leaders had different political orientations, they did not discuss this issue. Last but not least, Stalin was very supportive of this idea for several reasons. First, he was more eager than the Western powers to “solve” all minority problems in his sphere of influence. Second, Stalin calculated that the mass expulsions would sharply help the Sovet Union. 12 G.C Paikert, The German exodus, a selective study of the post World War II expulsion of German populations and its effects, The Hague, 1962, p 9-13 13 On 29th September 1938, Adolf Hitler, Neville Chamberlain, Edouard Daladier and Benito Mussolini signed the Munich Agreement which transferred the Sudentenland to Germany. This increased German antagonism toward its eastern neighbours and therefore made Poland and Czechoslovakia more dependent on Soviet protection. Stalin also argued that ethnic Germans could never adapt to Soviet standards because of their different background and would only prove disruptive of Communist conformity. By dumping millions of ethnic Germans into war-devastated and overcrowded Germany, Stalin also thought Communism would spread further. He hoped that all these homeless Germans would succumb to radicalism and that he could extend the Soviet influence. B) Motives of the Western Allies: Great Britain and the US: Great Britain and the US accepted the proposition of the expulsions because they were eager to collaborate with their wartime ally, the Soviet Union. They also tended to sympathize with the Soviet troops who gave their lives to fight the German enemy. Memories of the monstrous treatment of millions of Jews also played a major part in their view of German people.14 It is worth mentioning that British and American leaders referred to the Treaty of Lausanne (January 1923) that had mandated the Greek -Turkish transfer of populations. 15 Germans began to flee from eastern territories in early 1945 as the Red Army gained ground in Eastern Europe and it did not take long time before Germany capitulated. These Germans feared revenge from the victims of Nazism as soon as the Nazi control would cease. The second phase of the exodus was dominated by the vindictive measures of Poland and Czechoslovakia. This period lasted from May to July 1945 and is often referred to as the “wild” phase. This phase was dominated by revengeful feelings from both nations. The third phase of the expulsion was actually provided by the Potsdam agreement that gave a legal basis to the expulsions. When President Truman (United States), Prime Minister Attlee (Great Britain) and Stalin met for the Potsdam Conference on August 2, 1945, they agreed that post-war Europe should be rearranged to prevent future wars. In particular, the German minorities in 14 G. C Paikert, The German exodus, p 20-21 15 Philip Ther and Ana Siljak, Redrawing Nations, Lanham,2001, p 50 East Central Europe had to be “dissolved” to prevent future violence. The Allies indeed decided the “transfer” of Germans from Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary . Accordingly, over five million Germans were forced to leave their homelands before 1949. The Potsdam Agreement was meant to improve the treatment of Germans and the “transfer” had to be carried out in a “humane and orderly manner”. But the Allies failed to implement this measure and according to some German historians, Czech as well as Polish authorities acted in a spirit of revenge.16 It seems that the expulsions were permeated by resentful feelings and did not take place are they were meant to like it will be illustrated in the following part as the expulsions from Polish territories lustrate it. III) The German exodus from the Eastern territories: the Polish case17 A) The Polish motives: Polish demands for the expulsion of German minorities addressed first territories that had been controlled by Germany during the war. The Poles had plans for getting back territories such as Lower Silesia. They were eager to define precisely the Pole and argued that Germans and Poles could not live together anymore. They applied the principle of “collective guilt” to the Germans. The desire for revenge permeated Polish society and the Poles treated the Germans badly: they stole as much as they could from them (furniture, clothes, valuables and foodstuffs) and rape and pillage were common. B) The carrying out of the expulsions: German homes were open territories and the Poles took whatever they wanted from the dwellings. Those who tried to defend themselves were often beaten or sent to internment camps or labour camps that had been used during the third Reich. Rules in 16 G.C Paikert, The German exodus, a selective study of the post World War II expulsion of German populations and its effects, The Hague, 1962,p 7 17 N.M Naimark, Fires Of Hatred, Ethnic Cleansing In Twentieth-Century Europe, Cambridge, Massachussets, 2001, p 108-137. the camps about discipline were often adopted from the Nazi example. Germans suffered from disease, malnutrition and beatings; stomach typhus was the biggest killer, veneral disease was rampant and uncontrollable given the lack of medicine. They were forced to wear the letter N for Niemiec (German) on their sleeves; they were forbidden to enter restaurants, theatres or taverns and they were placed under Polish authorities outside the law. Nevertheless, the treatment of the Germans depended on their status on the Volksliste (People’s List) that had been established by the Nazi administration during the war. Volksdeutsche (local Germans) who had been a minority in pre-1939 Poland had their rights and property taken away and they were treated as traitors, sometimes immediately executed or sent to prisons and camps. As for Reichdeutsche (Germans from the Reich), they were either prosecuted as war criminals or deported to the Soviet Union for forced labour. Others, mostly Silesians, were allowed to apply for “verification” as Poles. C) Re-Polonization and De-Germanization: Forced deportation to occupied Germany was the fate of most Germans who lived in the new areas that were designated for Polish occupation: Lower Silesia, eastern Pomerania, eastern Brandenburg and the southern part of East Prussia. Re-Polonization and De-Germanization were of the highest priority and communists and leaders firmly supported expulsion. Towns and streets were renamed, German storefronts were taken down, “Prussian-Hitler” memorials were taken down, German inscriptions were removed from buildings, church interiors and gravestones. People were forbidden to speak German though they could hardly speak Polish, especially in Silesia. From April 1946 on, the government forbade the use of German in public places and even at home. But Polish authorities nevertheless experienced difficulties to getting the people of Silesia to think of themselves as part of a unified Polish nation. D) Problems encountered by the Polish authorities: The region of Upper Silesia clearly illustrates the problems that were encountered by governors. The region had always been disputed between Poland and Germany and after 1945 it was granted to postwar Poland. Millions of what Polish authorities called “indubitable Germans” were expelled, but those Silesians referred to as “ethnic Poles” insufficiently aware of their “Polishness” were allowed to stay on, after being sifted out from “indubitable Germans” by a process of “national verification”.18 Although the Silesian Governor Zawadzki was strictly against the mixing of Poles and Germans, he could not solve the identity problem of Silesians who felt neither Polish nor German. His plans are illustrated by the following sentence: “Now the task consists of the shaping of these two distinct biological groups into a single entity”. But many Silesians felt themselves closer to German than to Polish culture. This was enhanced by the fact that many Silesians were sent to camps even before it was determined that they were eligible for verification. In September 1947, Zawadzki was still annoyed that so much German was spoken both on the streets and in private, despite the laws against it. Zawadzki recognised that the Silesians were handled in a disrespectful manner but he explained that this only happened because the newly arrived Poles wanted their homes and their lands back. So the identity problem among the expellees remained quite important once they were settled in the new territories. Measures had to be taken later on by the German government to help them to integrate to reassert their identity. 18 Tamasz Kamusella, Silesians, 12th November 2005, available from http://www.languagehat. com/archives/002171.php Conclusion: Today, the building of a Centre dedicated to the former expellees is primarily a problem in terms of the symbolic message such a monument would have. More precisely, both Polish and German intellectuals and politicians are worried about the consequences it could have on the perception of the Second World War. They fear a victimization of the Germans and do not embrace the Centre Against Expulsion proposed by the BdV because they believe it to be too focused on the fate of German expellees. The history of ethnic cleansing helps to understand why the Centre is such a divisive issue. In particular, it is important to consider the fate of German minorities after the Second World War. This began even before the capitulation of Germany in 1945 and the Potsdam Agreement gave a legal basis to their expulsion. Actually, the expulsions took place in circumstances that did not comply to what had been agreed at the Potsdam Conference . The feelings of former German expellees must be mixed because some of them feel fully integrated in today’s Germany whereas others still do not agree with the issue of compensation. By joining expellee organisations they try to defend their interest and to reassert their identity as they claim that the German expulsions were not sufficiently taken into account compared to the expulsion of other populations. Bibliography: Nationalism: - Ferrrari Jean, L’idée De Nation, Editions Universitaires de Dijon, Dijon,1986 - Woolf Stuart, Nationalism In Europe 1815 To The Present, Routledge, London, 1996 Expulsion and ethnic cleansing: - Bade J.K, Deutsche Im Ausland-Fremde In Deutschland, Migration In Geschichte Und Gegenwart, Verlag C.H. Beck, Munich, 1992. - Benz Wolfgang, Die Vertreibung Der Deutschen Aus Dem Osten, Fischer Taschenbücher, Frankfurt am Main , 1985. - Maikert N.M, Fires Of Hatred, Ethnic Cleansing In Twentieth-Century Europe, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusettets, 2001 - Murphy Robert, Nemesis At Potsdam: The Anglo- Americans Expulsion Of The Germans: Background, Execution, Consequences, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London and Boston, 1979. - Paikert G.C , The German Exodus, Publications of the research group for European migration problems, The Hague, 1962. - Schechtman J.B, Postwar Population Transfers In Europe 1945-1955, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia,1962 - Ther Philip and Siljak Ana, Redrawing Nations, Ethnic Cleansing In East-Central Europe 1944-1948, Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, New York, 2001 - Ther Philip, Deutsche Und Polnische Vertriebene, Gesellschaft Und Vertriebenenpolitik In Der SBZ/DDR Und In Polen 1945-1956, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 1998 - Zayas A.M, The German Expellees: Victims In War and Peace, St Martin’s Press, New York, 1993 Identity: - Chaumont J.M, La Concurrence Des Victimes, Génocide, Identité, Reconnaissance, Paris, 2002. - Thiesse A.M, La Création Des Identités Nationales, Seuil, Paris, 1999 The Centre Against Expulsion: - Graupner Hardy, Berlin Close To New “Center Of Expulsion”, August 2005, available from http://www. de/dw/article/0,2144,1664849,00.html (accessed 31st October 2005) - Michel Laetitia, Les Relations Germano-Polonaises Fragilisés Par Le Débat Sur Les Expulsions, Allemagne d’ aujourd’hui, janvier-mars 2005, Septentrion Presses Universitaires Diffusion, Paris. - Pätzold Brigitte, April 2005, Polémique Sur Les Souffrances De L’Allemagne, Le Monde Diplomatique, available from http://www.mondediplomatique. fr/11117/91ad276fb2 (accessed 31st October 2005) - Perret Quentin, 2003, La République Des Idées, available from http://www.repid.com/article.php3?id_article=126 (accessed 27th November 2005) - http://www.z-g.v.de - Die Welt, October 2005, Kaczynski: Vertriebenenzentrum Sollte Besser Nich Gebaut Werden, available from http://www2.welt.de/data/2005/10/26/794393.html?prx=1 (accessed 2nd November 2005) - Expatica’s German news in English, German WWII Expellee Centre Plan Angers Poles, July 2005, available from http://www.expatica.com/source/site_article.asp? subchannel_id=52&story_id=2034&name=German+WWII +expellee+centre+plan+angers+Poles (accessed 31st October 2005) - Deutsche Welle Staff, Poland Rejects Berlin Expellee Centre, August 2005, available from http://dw-world. de/dw/article/0,2144,1681377,00.html (accessed on 31st October 2005) ========================== Oder-Neisse: History Hijacked "The last champion of romanticism" was a nobleman born on March 10, 1788. in the Upper-Silesian castle of Lubowitz near Ratibor. Duke Joseph Freiherr von Eichendorff matriculated at the University of Halle and became a follower of the Romantic School of poetry. His first poems were printed in Berlin, among them the famous song In einem kuehlen Grund. The young baron fought against Napoleon, married and became a lawyer in Breslau. In 1820, he received an educational position at Danzig and took a lively interest in the restoration of the Marienburg, a castle of the Teutonic Order and inspiration for his tragedy "Der letze Held von Marienburg." His most popular production was "Aus dem Leben eines Taugenichts." In 1831, Catholic Eichendorff was called to Berlin as councillor in the high office of the ministry of public worship. The following years were spent mostly in Berlin, where Eichendorff devoted his genius to the history of literature, and he wrote a definitive history of the poetical literature of Germany. After the death of his wife in 1855, he lived with his family at Neisse. Two years later, after finishing his swan-song, the epic "Lucius," he died. There is hardly another German poet who found so many composers for his songs. It is difficult to fathom that there would come a day when simply singing one of his German Silesian folk songs could incur an automatic death sentence, or that lovely Schloss Lubowitz and the original Eichendorff monument would be crudely levelled. The town is Polish now, its German citizens expelled in 1945 by gunpoint, their homes and properties stolen. German inscriptions on old gravestones were defaced to further obliterate the memory of their centuries long presence. Winston Churchill, in his mentally displaced wisdom, proposed the brutal plan adopted at the 1945 Potsdam Conference for putting Poland "on wheels" and "rolling it westward" into German lands. As a result of his final solution to the "German problem", millions of Poles were displaced from territories granted to the USSR and even more millions of Germans were expelled or fled from lands thay had inhabited since the 13th century. The Oder-Neisse as the border of a new postwar Germany was deceptively described as "tentative" until a final peace settlement with Germany. The issue was not laid to rest by Germany until it was forced to sign it as the high price for German reunification or nothing at all. Treaties recognizing the border and calling for friendship and cooperation between Poland and reunified Germany (Germany cannot be totally unified until Danzig, the Sudetenland, and Prussia (usw) are wholly returned to Germany) were signed in 1990 and ratified a year later. Churchill's final solution had not only resulted in the genocide of German civilians, it cut many ethnic German towns and areas in half. "I bet you don't know that the final solution by some of the so-called Allies. Churchhill particularly, was to murder the entire German race, to appease the Soviets, and to lay bare the German homeland for a thousand years, so that nothing could ever grow on that land again. It especially was resolved to rid Europe and eventually the entire world of any form of religion and adopt the philosophies of Karl Marx in a sought of Communistic Utopia, where those who still believed in God, would subsequently also be put to death. Universally this would have to be, if their invented Utopia were to succeed." Stolen Heritage: German Silesia German Silesia was bounded by Brandenburg, Posen, Russian Poland, Galicia, Austrian Silesia, Moravia, Bohemia and Saxony. Besides the bulk of the old duchy of Silesia, it comprised Glatz, a fragment of the Neumark and part of Upper Lusatia, taken from Saxony in 1815. The province was the largest in Prussia, was divided into three governmental districts, those of Liegnitz and Breslau comprising lower Silesia, and of Oppeln taking in the greater part of mountainous Silesia (the Sudeten Mountains). Full of rivers, streams, hills and low mountains, Silesia was also comprised of fertile pastures and meadows and forests abundant with deer and game, tremendous fisheries and mineral wealth. About a third of the land was in the hands of large estates. Merino sheep were introduced by Friedrich the Great, and the Prussians also gave Silesia its first public schools and a new, viable future. The original population of Silesia was probably Celtic, and about the year 1138, Silesia was first transferred to the Germans. The independent dynasty was drawn up under the influence of Barbarossa and two princes who in 1163 divided the sovereignty among themselves as dukes of Upper and Lower Silesia.. The whole of sparsely populated rural Silesia was covered with German settlements by the 12th century. As late as 1905, three- fourths of the inhabitants were German, but to the east of the Oder, Poles formed the bulk of the population, with 15,500 Czechs in the southern part of the province and 25,000 Wends near Liegnitz. The capital was Breslau, the largest and most important town which was refounded about 1250 as a German town. By the end of the 13th century, Silesia had virtually become a German land and Breslau grew to be a leading center of trade. The rich Silesian duchies partitioned their territories with each new succession and by the end of the 14th century the country had been split up into 18 small bickering principalities. In 1290, the Silesian princes sought the protection of the German dynasty then ruling in Bohemia. The intervention of these kings resulted in the appropriation of several petty states as crown domains. The earliest of these Bohemian overlords, King Johann and the emperor Karl IV restored order vigorously. Later, however, the Bohemians brought no benefit, but involved Silesia in the destructive Hussite wars and then in a series of invasions from 1425 to 1435 which devastated the country and put the German element of population in Upper Silesia in a weaker position, and a complete restitution of the Slavonic nationality seemed imminent on the appointment of the Hussite, Georgte Podiebrad, to the Bohemian kingship in 1457. The burghers of Breslau fiercely repudiated the new suzerain and before he could enforce his claim he was ousted by Hungarian King Matthias Vorvirus around 1469. Through cofiscations of the nobles lands, Corvinus asserted his dominance and instituted a permanent diet of Silesian princes and tried to establish an effective central government. But the Silesians, who experienced financial discomfort at Corninus' hands, began to resent the control of the Bohemian crown, and under his successor Vladislav, the secured semi-autonomy which was theirs until the outset of the Reformation which the predominantly Catholic Silesians accepted. German Kinf Ferdinand I reimposed the Bohemian crown upon them, and the Silesians lost power completely. From 1550, Silesia passed almost completely under foreign administration. First under the Habsburgs, which united the kingship of Bohemia with Austria and the imperial crown. The Thirty Years War brought Silesia almost total ruin. It was estimated that 75% of the population perished, and commerce and industry were at a standstill. A greater measure of religious liberty was secured for the Silesians by representatives of King Karl XII of Sweden, and effective measures were taken by the emperor Karl VI to stimulate traffic between Silesia and Austria, but the country remained very poor in the earlier part of the 18th century. Finally, in 1740, Silesia went under Prussian rule and Friedrich Wilhelm, II, despite the Seven Years War, brilliantly managed to bring Silesia back to normalcy. He made yearly visits to the country and kept himself in touch with it, enacting numerous political reforms including the strict Prussian enforcement of religious toleration, bring peace. By judicious regulations he brought about a dramatic increase of Silesian industries and he revived the mining and weaving operations. Silesia was occupied by French troops during the Napoleonic wars, and in 1815, it was enlarged by receiving back a portion of Lusatia which, until then, had become detached from Silesia in the 11th century and annexed to the Kingdom of Saxony. "Austrian Silesia" was a duchy and the smallest province of Austria. In 1900, the population included 44.69% Germans, 33.21% Poles and 22.05% Czechs and Slavs. It was all that was left of Austria's part of the country after the Seven Years War. It formed with Moravia, a single province until 1849, when it was created into a separate duchy. The Beginning of the End Silesia was German and only 25% Polish when the victorious Allies hacked it up at the Treaty of Versailles and parcelled it out between the newly endowed Poland and the newly hatched country of Czechoslovakia. Austrian Silesia suffered the same fate. Encouraged by the Allies' desire to weaken any future strength of Germany and Austria. Poles and Czechs were brought into the German cities and towns to create a new voting majority. Ethnic Germans here and in all of former Prussia began to experience violent attacks and discrimination* once German protection was removed. Protests were lodged with international organizations were ignored. Germany took back possession of these German parts of Silesia in 1939 (with the full authorization of the Allies), and this marked the beginning of new hostilities. Communication, even friendly discussions between German and Austria, was one of the No-Nos set forth by the so-called victorious Allies, with heavy penalties to be exacted upon both nations, including invasion and re-occupation. The French member of the Versailles team, a would-be "God person" was even buried standing up in his grave, and his hatred of anything German goes back many generations. *Approximately 58,000 ethnic Germans in Poland were reported as dead or missing by 1940. When the first edition of government documents went to press on November 17, 1939. 5,437 cases of murder against men, women and children of the German minority in Poland had been reported. Between that date and February 1, 1940, the number of identified victims mounted to 12,857 and in additions to these victims, more than 45,000 persons weremissing without a trace. The atrocities included murder, mutilation, beatings, rape, robbery and arson. With the German defeat in 1945, all of Silesia was suddenly occupied by the Soviet Red Army. Following their violent pattern of genocide, Red Army soldiers embarked upon another horrendous spree of rape, and in one instance 182 Catholic nuns were raped in Neisse and in the diocese of Kattowitz, they left behind 66 pregnant nuns, some with venerial diseases produced by the sex- crazy red-army soldiers. Even small children were not spared the horrors of violent sexual assault and little girls. even eight years and younger, were being attacked as often as their mothers. Boys who tried to protect their mothers and sisters were shot, as were many of the victims afterward. And like by the Czech Partisans, young girls and their mothers were crucified, and while nailed to the barn doors, house doors, usw were raped continuously until death, and some were used for target practice even prior to death, completely with the authorization of their commanders, who were also part of the rape and kill brigade. Silesian Germans, some of whom had roots in Silesia going back centuries, and who before World War II amounted to about 4 million, were collectively labelled German partisans and either fled or were murdered, put in camps, sent to the Gulags or expelled. Often, the men would be rounded up from the villages and camps and marched a short distance away and shot and buried in mass graves. Under the terms of the agreements at the Yalta Conference of 1944 and the Potsdam Agreement of 1945, German Silesia east of the rivers Oder and Lusatian Neisse was transferred to Poland. Poles from lands stolen by Stalin were trucked in and resettled there before the blood had even dried. There is not much mention of the past German presence in Silesia today, and most reminders have been cleanly purged. Most of the Silesian Germans were resettled in Bavaria (this state willingly took them in as refugees and tried to resettle them as easily as possible) and they formed a large organization in Munich which is still a power to reckon with today; and the partisans and the so-called Allies even tried to stop the Sudeten Germans from forming such an organization. (It should also be said that the Sudeten German organization has promoted a let-live theory that would prevent what happened in the Sudetenland after World War II from ever happening again, regardless of who was involved. Their humanitarian ideas are world renowned, and they should be recognized as such and should, in our opinion, receive the Nobel Peace Prize. It was not just adults who were expelled from their homes. Childen became adults overnight when suddenly orphaned or when separated from their parents, and they had to face the hard and dangerous treks alone, at the mercy of the elements and vicious predators. The violence used to obliterate the ethnic memory of Germans was degrading, even sometimes fatal. Reduced to slaves by their new masters, Germans were forced to make public apologies for their "collective guilt" at social and governmental gatherings. Others were sent to camps with unbearable conditons. Of 8,064 Germans in Camp Lamsdorf in Upper Silesia, 6,488, including hundreds of children, died from starvation, disease, hard labor, and physical maltreatment including torture. Girls and women in those camps were not permitted to wear clothing while serving their masters, so that sexual activity could be imposed at any given time. This repeated itself by the thousands. Illness brought on by bad water, starvation, exposure, poisoning, torture, abuse, continuous rapes and suicides were epidemic. Five times as many Germans died in the first year after the War's end then died during the five years of the War itself. The Lost German City of Breslau Not Lost but Cut in Two The greatest German city on the Oder River was Breslau. Breslau was first mentioned in 1000 A.D.. It was made the seat of a bishop in the 11th century and it became the capital of an independent duchy in 1163. Mongols destroyed it in 1241 and it stagnated until a large influx of German colonists arrived and soon made it prosperous. The bishop obtained the title of Prince of the Empire in 1290. King Johann of Bohemia bought it in 1335, and it was ruled by his successors until about 1460. Various privileges were given to Breslau by the Bohemian kings, and it grew wealthy. The city fell under the rule of Matthias Corvinus until his death, and in 1490 it again became subject to Bohemia, passing with the rest of Silesia to the Habsburg dynasty. From 1526 through the Reformation and the Thirty Years War, Breslau remained mostly undisturbed, and it came under the rule of Friedrich the Great in 1741. Reclaimed by the Austrians in 1757, it was again taken by Friedrich and belonged to Prussia until the end of World War One. Breslau was the last major city in eastern Germany to fall on May 7, 1945. 40,000 Breslauers lad dead in the ruins, and the city was almost 70% destroyed. Like most of Silesia, Breslau was placed under Polish administraion according to the terms of the Potsdam Conference. Most surviving German inhabitants were expelled, and those who dared remain were subjected to discrimination, arrest and harassment. All German property was taken. By the 1950s, Breslau had been cleansed of Germans, renamed "Wroclaw" and resettled by Poles. There is no trace of its German roots. Thousands of Breslau civilians waited to evacuate the city when they heard news of the Soviet advance on January 14, 1945. They could not evacuate until 6 days later because of rail damage and battles. In panic and desperation, 50,000 to 60,000 left on foot, mostly women and children, in bitter winter weather. In the process, some 18,000 frozen bodies were recovered along the train tracks and secondary roads. 90,000 Breslauers are thought to have died in the evacuation. Partly because they realized the hopelessness of evacuating, another 200,000 or so civilians remained in the inner city, and by February 15, the Soviet noose tightened around them. Over 30,000 more would die, most from homicide. The Red Army went house to house and block to block embarking on vicious slaughter. For 77 days, the carnage, rape and mayhem lasted, the Soviets murdering with chemical weapons and burning people alive. Although the city was only bombed once, massive destruction took place in the aftermath and Breslau was largely destroyed. "...in unending succession were girls, women and nuns violated... Not merely in secret, in hidden corners, but in the sight of everybody, even in the churches, in the streets and in public places were nuns, women and even eight- year old girls (and younger) were attacked again and again. Mothers were violated before the eyes of their children; girls in the presence of their brothers; nuns, in the sight of pupils, were outraged again and again to their very death and even as corpses..." Mississippi Senator Eastland quoting from a letter smuggled out of Breslau, September 1945. The Medieval parts of the city and almost all historical landmarks were gutted. The buildings that escaped bomb damage were burned and looted by the Soviets. It is said there was a murdered and disfigured German soldiers hung on every lamp post in the city. The 40,000 survivors of the German garrison surrendered and were executed, thrown into mass graves or taken to the Gulag, from which few returned. No international inquiries have ever been set up to discuss the mass murder. And in some cases, eyewitnesses that managed to survive to report the carnage were in some cases charged with high treason by the Allies and hung. Others are still to this day being sought out for proscecution and capital punishment. And anyone caught taking their evidence to the Swiss, as most of the abuses and crimes were a violation of the Geneva Convention, were severely punished and executed without a trial. Yet, evidence is still pouring in regarding the abuses and violations of Internation Law. ======================================== |
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