German-American History - 4
German-American History - 4

                  Mennonite
    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Mennonites are a group of Christian Anabaptist denominations named after Menno Simons
(1496-1561), though his teachings were a relatively minor influence on the group. As one of the
historic peace churches, Mennonites are committed to nonviolence, nonviolent
resistance/reconciliation, and pacifism.

There are about 1.5 million Mennonites worldwide as of 2006.[1] Mennonite congregations
worldwide embody the full scope of Mennonite practice from old fashioned 'plain' people to those
who are indistinguishable in dress and appearance from the general population. The largest
population of Mennonites is in the United States and Democratic Republic of Congo, but
Mennonites can also be found in tight-knit communities in at least 51 countries on six
continents or scattered amongst the populace of those countries.

Mennonites have an international distinction among Christian denominations in disaster relief
and place a strong theological emphasis on voluntary service. Mennonite Disaster Service,[2]
based in North America, provides both immediate and long-term responses to hurricanes, floods,
and other disasters. Mennonite Central Committee provides disaster relief around the world
alongside their long-term international development programs. Other programs offer a variety
of relief efforts and services throughout the world.

In the last few decades some Mennonite groups have also become more actively involved with
peace and social justice issues, helping to found Christian Peacemaker Teams and Mennonite
Conciliation Service.[3]

Contents:

1 Radical Reformation
2 Fragmentation and variation
3 Jacob Amman and the Amish
4 Russian Mennonites
5 North America
5.1 Schisms
5.2 Schools
5.3 Sexual, marriage, and family mores
6 Theology
7 Worship, doctrine, and tradition
8 Membership
8.1 Organization: Worldwide
8.2 Organization: North America
9 See also
10 Notes
11 References
12 External links



Radical Reformation

Ulrich ZwingliThe early history of the Mennonites begins with the Anabaptists in the German
and Dutch-speaking parts of central Europe. The German term is "Täufer" (that is, Baptists).
These forerunners of modern Mennonites were part of the broad reaction against the practices
and theology of the Catholic Church known as the Protestant
Reformation. Its most distinguishing feature is the rejection of
infant baptism, an act that had both religious and political
meaning since almost every infant born in Western Europe was
baptized into the Catholic Church. Other significant theological
views of the Mennonites developed in opposition to Catholic views
or to the views of other Protestant reformers like Martin Luther
and Huldrych Zwingli.

Some of the followers of Zwingli's Reformed church felt that
requiring church membership beginning at birth was inconsistent
with the New Testament example. They felt that the church should
be completely removed from government (the proto-free church
tradition), and that people should join only once they were willing to
publicly acknowledge that they believed in Jesus and wanted to live in
accordance with his teachings. At a small meeting on January 21, 1525, Conrad Grebel, Felix
Manz, and George Blaurock, along with twelve others, baptized each other. This meeting marks
the beginning of the Anabaptist movement. In the spirit of the times, many radical groups
followed, preaching any number of ideas about hierarchy, the state, eschatology, and sexual
license, running from utter abandon to extreme chastity. These movements are together
referred to as the Radical Reformation.

Many government and religious leaders, both Protestant and Roman Catholic, considered
voluntary church membership to be dangerous — the concern of some deepened by reports of
the Münster Rebellion, led by a violent sect of Anabaptists. They joined forces to fight the
movement, using methods such as persecution, banishment, torture, and sometimes executing
them as heretics.

Despite heavy efforts of the state churches, the movement spread slowly around Western
Europe, primarily along the Rhine. Many of the earliest Anabaptist leaders were killed in an
attempt to purge Europe of the new sect. By 1530, most of the founding leaders had been killed
for refusing to renounce their beliefs.  Many believed that God did not condone killing or the use
of force for any reason and were therefore unwilling to fight for their lives. These pacifist
branches often survived by seeking refuge in neutral cities or nations, such as Strasbourg. Their
safety, however, was often tenuous, as a shift in alliances or an
invasion could mean resumed persecution. Other groups of
Anabaptists, such as the Batenburgers, were eventually destroyed
by their very willingness to fight. This played a large part in the
evolution of Anabaptist theology.


Menno SimonsIn the early days of the Anabaptist movement,
Menno Simons, a Catholic priest in the Netherlands, heard of the
movement and started to rethink his Catholic faith. He questioned
the doctrine of transubstantiation, but was reluctant to leave the
Roman Catholic Church. His thinking was influenced by the death
of his brother, who, as a member of an Anabaptist group, was killed
when he and his companions were attacked and refused to defend
themselves. In 1536, at the age of 40, Simons left the Roman
Catholic Church. Soon thereafter he became a leader within the
Anabaptist movement. He would become a hunted man with a price on his head for the rest of
his life. His name became associated with scattered groups of nonviolent Anabaptists he helped
to organize and consolidate.


Fragmentation and variation

During the sixteenth century, the Mennonites and other Anabaptists were relentlessly
persecuted. By the seventeenth century, some of them joined the state church in Switzerland,
and persuaded the authorities to relent in their attacks. The Mennonites outside the state
church were divided on whether to remain in communion with their brothers within the state
church, and this led to a split. Those against remaining in communion with them became known
as the Amish, after their founder Jacob Amman. Those who remained in communion with them
retained the name Mennonite. This period of persecution has had a significant impact on
Mennonite identity. Martyrs Mirror, published in 1660, documents much of the persecution of
Anabaptists and their predecessors. Today, the book is still the most important book besides the
Bible for many Mennonites and Amish, in particular for the Swiss-South German branch of
Mennonitism. Persecution was still going on until 1710 in various parts of Switzerland.[4]

Other disagreements over the years have led to other splits; sometimes the reasons were
theological, sometimes practical, sometimes geographical. For instance, near the beginning of
the twentieth century, there were some members in the Amish church who wanted to begin
having Sunday Schools and evangelize. Unable to persuade the rest of the Amish, they separated
and formed the Conservative Mennonite Conference. Mennonites in Canada and other countries
typically have independent denominations because of the practical considerations of distance
and, in some cases, language.

The first recorded account of this group is in a written order by Countess Anne, who ruled a
small province in central Europe. The presence of some small groups of violent Anabaptists was
causing political and religious turmoil in her state, so she decreed that all Anabaptists were to be
driven from her state. The order made an exception though, for the non-violent branch known
at that time as the Menists.

This order set the precedent that was to be repeated many times throughout history, where a
political ruler would allow the Menists or Mennonites into his/her state because they were
honest, hardworking and peaceful. However, inevitably, their presence would upset the powerful
state churches, princes would renege on exemptions for military service, or a new monarch
would take power, and the Mennonites would once again be forced to flee for their lives, usually
leaving everything but their families behind. Often, another monarch in another state would
grant them welcome, at least for a while.


Mennonite churches blended into city architecture to avoid offending the religious sensibilities
of the majority. Doopsgezinde Gemeente, Amsterdam.While Mennonites in Colonial America
were enjoying a large degree of religious freedom, their
counterparts in Europe were in the same situation they always
had been. Their well-being still depended on a ruling monarch,
who would often extend an invitation only when there was poor
soil that no one else could farm; the exception to this rule being
in The Netherlands, where the Mennonites (nl: Doopsgezinden)
enjoyed a relatively high degree of tolerance. The Mennonites
would reclaim this land through hard work and good sense, in
exchange for exemption from mandatory military service. However, once the land was arable
again, this arrangement would often change, and the persecution would begin again. Because the
land still needed to be tended, the ruler would not drive out the Mennonites but would actually
pass laws to force them to stay, while at the same time severely limiting their freedom.
Mennonites had to build their churches facing onto back streets or alleys (which began the habit
of meeting in someone's home rather than a formal church), and they were forbidden from
announcing the beginning of services with the sound of a bell.

In addition, high taxes were enacted in exchange for both continuing the military service
exemption, and to keep the states' best farmers from leaving. In some cases, the entire
congregation would give up their belongings to pay the tax to be allowed to leave. If a member or
family could not afford the tax, it was often paid by others in the group.

A strong emphasis on "community" was developed under these circumstances and continues to
be typical of Mennonite churches. As a result of frequently being required to give up many
possessions in order to retain individual freedoms, these Mennonites learned to live very simply.
This was reflected both in the home and at church, where their dress and their buildings were
plain. Even the music at church, which was usually simple German chorales, was performed a
cappella. This style of music serves as a reminder to many Mennonites of their simple lives, as
well as their history as a persecuted people. Some branches of Mennonites have retained this
"plain" lifestyle into modern times.

Jacob Amman and the Amish

In 1693 Jacob Amman led an effort to reform the Mennonite church: to include shunning (social
avoidance of baptised members who left the church), to hold communion more often, and other
differences. When the discussions fell through, Jacob and his followers split from the Mennonite
church. Amman's followers became known as the Amish. The acrimony between the two groups
was so severe that they reportedly refused to talk to each other when they found themselves
together on the same boat sailing to America.

Russian Mennonites

Russian Mennonites were heavily influenced by Catherine the Great of Russia, who in 1768 acquired a great deal
of land north of the Black Sea (in the present-day Ukraine) following a war with the Turks, invited those
Mennonites living in Prussia to come farm the cold, tough soil of the Russian steppes in exchange for religious
freedom and military exemption. Over the years the Mennonite farmers were very successful. By the beginning of
the 20th century they owned large agricultural estates and were even successful as industrial entrepreneurs in
the cities. After the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the Russian Civil War (1917-1921) all of these farms (whose
owners were called Kulaks) and enterprises were expropriated. Beyond expropriation, Mennonites suffered severe
persecution during the course of the Civil War, at the hands of both the Bolsheviks and, particularly, the
anarchists of Nestor Makhno who saw Mennonites as privileged foreigners of the upper class and targeted them.
[citation needed] After the war people who openly followed religion were in many cases imprisoned. This led to a
wave of Russian Mennonite emigration to the Americas (U.S., Canada and Paraguay).

When the German army invaded the Soviet Union in the summer of 1941, many in the Mennonite community saw
them as liberators from the communist regime under which they had suffered. When the tide of war turned, many
of the Mennonites fled with the German army back to Germany where they were accepted as "Volksdeutsche".
After the war the remainder of the Mennonite community emigrated or, (because, as the Soviets saw it, they had
"collectively collaborated" with the Germans) was forcefully relocated to Siberia and Kazakhstan, and many were
sent to the Gulag. German-Russian Mennonites who lived further to the East (not Western Russia) were deported
to Siberia before the German army's invasion, and were also often placed in labor camps. In the 1990s the Russian
government gave these people the opportunity to emigrate. The Russian Mennonite immigrants in Germany
outnumber the pre-1989 community of Mennonites in Germany by 3 to 1.


    North America

Persecution and the search for employment forced Mennonites out of the Netherlands eastward
to Germany in the 17th century. As Quaker evangelists moved into Germany they received a
sympathetic audience among the larger of these Dutch-Mennonite congregations around
Krefeld, Altona-Hamburg, Gronau and Emden.[5] It was among this group of Quakers and
Mennonites, living under ongoing discrimination, that William Penn solicited settlers for his new
colony. The first permanent settlement of Mennonites in the American Colonies consisted of
one Mennonite family and twelve Mennonite-Quaker[6] families of Dutch extraction who
arrived from Krefeld, Germany in 1683 and settled in Germantown, Pennsylvania. Among these
early settlers was William Rittenhouse, a lay minister and owner of the first American paper
mill. This early group of Mennonites and Mennonite-Quakers wrote the first formal protest
against slavery in America. The treatise was addressed to slave-holding Quakers in an effort to
persuade them to change their ways.[7]

In the eighteenth century, 100,000 Germans from the Palatinate, collectively known as the
Pennsylvania Dutch, immigrated to Pennsylvania. Of these, around 2,500 were Mennonites and
500 Amish.[8] This group settled farther west than the first group, choosing less expensive land
in the Lancaster, Pennsylvania, area. A member of this second group, Christopher Dock,
authored Pedagogy, the first American monograph on education. Today, Mennonites also reside
in Kishacoquillas Valley (also known as Big Valley), a valley in Huntingdon and Mifflin counties,
also in Pennsylvania.

During the Colonial period, Mennonites were distinguished from other Pennsylvania Germans in
three ways:[9] their opposition to the American Revolutionary War, resistance to public
education and disapproval of religious revivalism. Contributions of Mennonites during this
period include the idea of separation of church and state and opposition to slavery.

From 1812 to 1860, another wave of immigrants settled farther west in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois
and Missouri. These Swiss-German speaking Mennonites, along with Amish, came from
Switzerland and the Alsace-Lorraine area.


Mennonite Church logoThe Swiss-German Mennonites that migrated to North America in the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries settled first in Pennsylvania, then across the Midwestern
states (initially Ohio, Indiana, and Kansas) are the root to the former Mennonite Church
denomination (MC), colloquially called the "Old Mennonite Church". This denomination had
offices in Elkhart, Indiana, and was the most populous Mennonite denomination before merging
with the General Conference Mennonite Church (GCMC) in 2002.


General Conference Mennonite Church logoThe General Conference Mennonite Church was an
association of Mennonite congregations based in North America beginning in 1860. The
conference was formed in 1860 when congregations in Iowa invited North American Mennonites
to join together in order to pursue common goals such an education and mission work. The
conference was especially attractive to recent Mennonite and Amish immigrants to North
America and expanded considerably when thousands of Russian Mennonites arrived in North
America starting in the 1870s. Conference offices were located in Winnipeg, Manitoba, and
North Newton, Kansas. The conference supported a seminary and several colleges. It became the
second largest Mennonite denomination with 64,431 members in 410 congregations in Canada,
the United States and South America in the 1990s.[10] After decades of increasingly closer
cooperation with the Mennonite Church, the two groups voted to merge in 1995 and completed
reorganization into Mennonite Church Canada in 2000 and Mennonite Church USA in 2002.

Mennonites in Canada were automatically exempt from any type of service during World War I
by provisions of the Order in Council of 1873. During World War II, Mennonite conscientious
objectors were given the options of noncombatant military service, serving in the medical or
dental corps under military control or working in parks and on roads under civilian supervision.
Over 95% chose the latter and were placed in Alternative Service camps.[11] Initially the men
worked on road building, forestry and firefighting projects. After May 1943, as a labour shortage
developed within the nation, men were shifted into agriculture, education and industry. The
10,700 Canadian objectors were mostly Mennonites (63%) and Doukhobors (20%).[12]


Mennonite conscientious objector Harry Lantz distributes rat poison for typhus control in
Gulfport, Mississippi (1946).In the United States, Civilian Public Service (CPS) provided an
alternative to military service during World War II. From 1941 to 1947, 4,665 Mennonites,
Amish and Brethren in Christ[13] were among nearly 12,000 conscientious objectors who
performed work of national importance in 152 CPS camps throughout the United States and
Puerto Rico. The draftees worked in areas such as soil conservation, forestry, fire fighting,
agriculture, social services and mental health.

The CPS men served without wages and minimal support from the federal government. The cost
of maintaining the CPS camps and providing for the needs of the men was the responsibility of
their congregations and families. Mennonite Central Committee coordinated the operation of
the Mennonite camps. CPS men served longer than regular draftees, not being released until
well past the end of the war. Initially skeptical of the program, government agencies learned to
appreciate the men's service and requested more workers from the program. CPS made
significant contributions to forest fire prevention, erosion and flood control, medical science and
reform of the mental health system.


          Schisms

Prior to migration to America, Anabaptists in Europe were divided between those of Dutch and
Swiss-German background. However, both Dutch and Swiss groups took their name from Menno
Simons who led the Dutch group. A trickle of Dutch Mennonites began the migration to America
in 1683, followed by a much larger migration of Swiss-German Mennonites beginning in 1707.

After immigration to America, many of the early Mennonites split from the main body of North
American Mennonites and formed their own separate and distinct churches, a process that began
in 1785 with the formation of the orthodox Reformed Mennonite Church and is ongoing today.
Many of these churches were formed as a response to deep disagreements about theology,
doctrine, and church discipline as evolution both inside and outside the Mennonite faith
occurred. Many of the 'modern' churches descended from those groups that abandoned
traditional Mennonite practices. Today, the groups that have held to the traditional
interpretations of Mennonite doctrine are increasing at a more rapid rate than those groups that
have rejected these standards. However, the moderate denominations are still by far the largest
and continue to grow at a steady rate.

These historical schisms have had an influence on creating the distinct Mennonite
denominations that exist today. Such divisions continue to go on today as one group claims its
version of the Mennonite faith and splits from the parent denomination or church, sometimes
using mild or severe shunning to show its disapproval of other Mennonite groups. One recent
and widely reported example of this is the expulsion of the Germantown Mennonite Church in
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, from the Franconia Conference and later the Mennonite Church
USA denomination for welcoming LGBT people as church members.


       Schools

Several Mennonites groups have their own private or parochial schools. Conservative groups,
like the Holdeman, have not only their own schools, but their own curriculum and teaching staff
(usually, but not exclusively, young unmarried women). Quebec does not allow these parochial
schools as the Quebec government imposes its curriculum to all schools (public and private),
while private schools may only add optional material to the compulsory curriculum but may not
replace it. The Quebec curriculum is unacceptable [14] to the parents of the only Mennonite
school in the province. They have said they will leave Quebec after the Education Ministry has
threatened legal actions would be taken and the Youth Protection services might become
involved if the children were not to register with the Education Ministry and either home school,
using the Government approved material, or attend a "sanctioned" school. The local population
and its mayor support[15] the local Mennonites. The Evangelical Fellowship of Canada has also
written to the Quebec government to express its concerns[16] about this situation. This story
has received quite a large echo in circles defending religious freedom, so much so that the
Becket Fund placed Quebec on its weekly report of threatened religious traditions [17]. Latest
reports indicate that several Mennonites families have already left Quebec to protect their
children[18].

Sexual, marriage, and family mores

The Mennonite church has no formal celibate religious order similar to monasticism, but
recognizes the legitimacy of and honors both the single state and the sanctity of marriage of its
members. Single persons are expected to be chaste, and marriage is held to be a lifelong,
monogamous, faithful covenant between a man and a woman. Divorce is discouraged, and it is
believed that the "hardness of the heart" of people is the ultimate cause of divorce. Some
Mennonite churches have disciplined members who have unilaterally divorced their spouses
outside of cases of sexual unfaithfulness or acute abuse. Until approximately the 1960s or 1970s,
before the more widespread urbanization of the Mennonite demographic, divorce was, in fact,
quite rare. In recent times, divorce is more common, and also carries less stigma, particularly in
cases where abuse was apparent.

Traditionally, very modest dress was expected (apparent mostly in women's apparel), particularly
in conservative Mennonite circles, but again, as the Mennonite population became urbanized and
more integrated into the wider culture, this visible difference has disappeared outside of
conservative Mennonite groups.

Some of these expelled congregations were dually affiliated with the Mennonite Church and the
General Conference Mennonite Church, the latter of which did not act to expel the same
congregations. When these two Mennonite denominations formally completed their merger in
2002 to become the new Mennonite Church USA and Mennonite Church Canada denominations,
it was still not clear, in all cases, whether or not the congregations that were expelled from one
denomination, yet included in the other, are considered to be "inside" or "outside" of the new
merged denomination. Also, some Mennonite conferences have chosen to maintain such
"disciplined" congregations as "associate" or "affiliate" congregations in the conferences,
rather than to expel such congregations. In virtually every case, a dialogue continues between
the disciplined congregations and the denomination, as well as their current or former
conferences.[19]

The Mennonite church in the Netherlands (Doopsgezinde Kerk) was the first Dutch church to
have a female pastor — Anna Zernike, authorized in 1911.[20]


    Theology

Mennonite theology emphasizes the primacy of the teachings of Jesus as recorded in New
Testament scripture. They hold in common the ideal of a religious community based on New
Testament models and imbued with the spirit of the Sermon on the Mount. Their core beliefs
deriving from Anabaptist traditions are:

The authority of Scripture and the Holy Spirit.
Salvation through faith in Jesus Christ
Believer's baptism understood as threefold: Baptism by the spirit (internal change of heart),
baptism by water (public demonstration of witness), and baptism by blood (martyrdom and
asceticism or the practice of strict self-denial as a measure of personal and especially spiritual
discipline).
Discipleship understood as an outward sign of an inward change.
Discipline in the church, informed by New Testament teaching, particularly of Jesus (for
example Matthew 18:15-18). Some Mennonite churches practice the Meidung (shunning).
The Lord's Supper understood as a memorial rather than as a sacrament or Christian rite,
ideally shared by baptized believers within the unity and discipline of the church.[21]
One of the earliest expressions of their faith was the Schleitheim Confession, adopted on
February 24, 1527. Its seven articles covered:

Believer's baptism
The Ban (excommunication)
Breaking of bread (Communion)
Separation from and shunning of the abomination (the Roman Catholic Church and other
"worldly" groups and practices)
Pastors in the church
Renunciation of the sword (nonresistance, nonviolence and pacifism)
Renunciation of the oath (swearing as proof of truth)
The Dordrecht Confession of Faith was adopted on April 21, 1632, by Dutch Mennonites, by
Alsatian Mennonites in 1660, and by North American Mennonites in 1725. There is no official
creed or catechism of which acceptance is required by congregations or members. However,
there are structures and traditions taught as in the Confession of Faith in a Mennonite
Perspective[22] of Mennonite Church Canada and Mennonite Church USA.


Worship, doctrine, and tradition

There is a wide scope of worship, doctrine and traditions among Mennonites today. This section
shows the main types of Mennonites as seen from North America. It is far from a specific study
of all Mennonite classifications worldwide but it does show a somewhat representative sample of
the complicated classifications within the Mennonite faith worldwide.

Moderate Mennonites include the largest denominations, the Mennonite Brethren and the
Mennonite Church. In most forms of worship and practice they differ very little from Protestant
congregations. There is no special form of dress and no restrictions on use of technology.
Worship styles vary greatly between different congregations. There is no formal liturgy; services
typically consist of singing, scripture reading, prayer and a sermon. Some churches prefer
hymns and choirs; others make use of contemporary Christian music with electronic
instruments. Mennonite congregations are self-supporting and appoint their own ministers.
There is no requirement for ministers to be approved by the denomination, and sometimes
ministers from other denominations will be appointed. A small sum, based on membership
numbers, is paid to the denomination, which is used to support central functions such as
publication of newsletters and interactions with other denominations and other countries. The
distinguishing characteristics of moderate Mennonite churches tend to be ones of emphasis
rather than rule. There is an emphasis on peace, on community and service. However, members
do not live in community — they participate in the general community as 'salt and light' to the
world (Matt 5:13,14). The main elements of Menno Simons
doctrine are retained, but in a moderated form. Banning is
rarely practiced and would in any event have much less effect
than those denominations where community is more tight-knit.
Excommunication can occur, and was notably applied by the
Mennonite Brethren to members who joined the military during
the Second World War. Service in the military is generally not
permitted, but service in the legal profession or law enforcement
is acceptable. Outreach and help to the wider community at home and abroad is encouraged.
Mennonite Central Committee is a leader in foreign aid provision.

The Reformed Mennonite Church, with members in the United States and Canada, represents
the first division in the original North American Mennonite body. Called the First Keepers of the
Old Way by author Stephen Scott, the Reformed Mennonite Church formed in the very early
19th century. Reformed Mennonites see themselves as true followers of Menno Simon's
teachings and of the teachings of the New Testament. They have no church rules, but they rely
solely on the Bible as their guide. They insist on strict separation from all other forms of
worship and dress in conservative plain garb that preserves eighteenth century Mennonite
details. However, they refrain from forcing their Mennonite faith on their children, allow their
children to attend public schools, and have permitted the use of automobiles. They are notable
for being the church of Milton S. Hershey's mother and famous for the long and bitter ban of
Robert Bear, a Pennsylvania farmer who rebelled against what he saw as dishonesty and disunity
in the leadership.

Holdeman Mennonites were founded from a schism in 1859, the Church of God in Christ,
Mennonite church has about 19,000 members worldwide. They are known as Holdeman
Mennonites after their founder. They emphasize evangelical conversion, strict church discipline
and shunning of the excommunicated. They stay separate from other Mennonite groups because
of their emphasis on the one-true church doctrine and their use of strict shunning against their
own excommunicated members.

Old Order Mennonites cover many distinct groups. Some groups use horse and buggies for
transportation and speak German while others drive cars and speak English. What most Old
Orders share in common is conservative doctrine, dress, and traditions, common roots in
nineteenth and early twentieth century schisms, and a refusal to participate in politics and other
so-called 'sins of the world'. Most Old Order groups also school their children in Mennonite-
operated schools.


Mennonite Horse and CarriageHorse and Buggy Old Order Mennonites came from the main
series of Old Order schisms that began in 1872 and ended in 1901 as conservative Mennonites
fought the radical changes that the influence of nineteenth century American revivalism had on
Mennonite worship. Most Horse and Buggy Old Order Mennonites
allow the use of tractors for farming, although some groups insist
on steel-wheeled tractors to prevent tractors from being used for
road transportation. Like the Stauffer or Pike Mennonites, they
stress separation from the world, excommunicate and wear plain
clothes. Unlike the Stauffer or Pike Mennonites their form of
the Ban is less severe because the ex-communicant is not
shunned, therefore is not excluded from the family table, shunned
by a spouse or cutoff from business dealings.

Automobile Old Order Mennonites also evolved from the main series of Old Order schisms from
1872-1901. They often share the same meeting houses with, and adhere to almost identical
forms of Old Order worship as their Horse and Buggy Old Order brethren with whom they
parted ways in the early 1900s. Although this group began using cars in 1927, the cars were
required to be plain and painted black. The largest group of Automobile Old Orders are still
known today as 'Black Bumper' Mennonites because some members still paint their chrome
bumpers black.

Stauffer Mennonites or Pike Mennonites represent the first and most conservative form of
Horse and Buggy Mennonites. They were founded in 1845, following conflicts about how to
discipline child and spousal abuse by a few Mennonite church members. They almost
immediately began to split into separate churches themselves. Today these groups are among
the most conservative of all Swiss Mennonites outside the Amish. They stress strict separation
from "the world", adhere to "strict withdrawal from and shunning of apostate and separated
members", forbid and limit cars and technology, and wear plain clothing. They are now
considered to be part of the larger less-conservative Horse and Buggy Old Order Mennonite
group which formed from later schisms.

Conservative Mennonites are generally considered those Mennonites who maintain somewhat
conservative dress and do not engage in television and radio, although carefully accepting other
technology. They are not a unified group and are divided into various independent conferences
and fellowships such as the Eastern Pennsylvania Mennonite Church conference. Despite the
rapid changes that precipitated the Old Order schisms in the last quarter of the nineteenth
century, most Mennonites in the United States and Canada retained a core of traditional beliefs
based on literal interpretation of the New Testament Scriptures as well as more external 'Plain'
practices into the beginning of the twentieth century. However, disagreements in the United
States and Canada between conservative and progressive
(i.e. less emphasis on literal interpretation of scriptures) leaders
began in the first half of the twentieth century and continue to
some extent today. Following WWII, a conservative movement
emerged from scattered separatist groups as a reaction to the
Mennonite Churches drifting away from the churches historical
traditions. 'Plain' became passe as open criticisms of traditional
beliefs and practices broke out in the 1950s and 1960s. The first
conservative withdrawals from the progressive group began in the
1950s. These withdrawals continue to the present day in what is now the growing Conservative
Movement formed from Mennonite schisms and/or from combinations with progressive Amish
groups. Other Conservative Mennonite groups descend from the former Amish-Mennonite
churches, who split from the Old Order Amish in the latter part of the nineteenth century like
the Wisler Mennonites. There are also other Conservative Mennonite churches that descend
from more recent groups that have left the Amish.

Progressive Mennonite churches allow homosexual members to worship as church members and
have been banned from membership in the moderate groups as result. The Germantown
Mennonite Church in Germantown, Pennsylvania [1] is one example of such a progressive
Mennonite church.


  Membership

Mennonite children selling peanuts near Lamanai in Belize.In 2006, there were 1,478,540
Mennonites in 65 countries. The United States had the highest number of Mennonites with
368,280 members, followed by Democratic Republic of Congo with 216,268 members. The third
largest concentration of Mennonites was in India with 146,095 members, while the fourth largest
population was in Canada with 131,384 members. Europe, the birthplace of Mennonites, had
52,222 members.[23]

Africa has the highest membership growth rate by far with 10%-12% rise every year,
particularly in Ethiopia. Growth in Mennonite membership is slow but steady in North America,
the Asia/Pacific region, and the South/Central America and Caribbean region. Europe has seen a
slow and accelerating decline in Mennonite membership since about 1980.

Some churches in North America have begun profiling potential members and with some success
have targeted inner city minorities in their recruitment efforts. Growth in the traditional
churches is outpacing growth in the moderate churches.


Organization: Worldwide

The most basic unit of organization among Mennonites is the church. There are hundreds or
thousands of Mennonite churches, many of which are separate from all others. Some churches
are members of regional or area conferences. Some, but far from all, regional or area
conferences are members of larger national or world conferences. Thus, there is no single
authorized organization that includes all Mennonite churches worldwide.

Instead, there is a host of separate churches along with a myriad of separate conferences with
no particular responsibility to any other group. Independent churches can contain as few as 50
members or as many as 20,000 members. Similar size differences occur among separate
conferences. Worship, church discipline and lifestyles vary widely between progressive,
moderate, conservative, Old Order and orthodox Mennonites in a vast panoply of distinct,
independent, and widely dispersed classifications. For these reasons, no single group of
Mennonites anywhere can credibly claim to represent, speak for, or lead all Mennonites
worldwide.

The eleven largest Mennonite groups are:

Mennonite Brethren (300,000 members on 6 continents worldwide)
Meserete Kristos Church in Ethiopia (120,600 members;126,000 more followers attending alike
churches)[24]
Mennonite Church USA with 114,000 members in the United States
Brethren in Christ with 100,000 US and worldwide members
Communauté Mennonite au Congo (87,000).
Kanisa La Mennonite Tanzania with 50,000 members in 240 congregations
Deutsche Mennonitengemeinden with 40,000 members in Germany[2]
Mennonite Church Canada with 35,000 members in Canada
Church of God in Christ, Mennonite with 16,000 members in 240 US churches and 2000
members in 13 other countries (1995 data)
Conservative Mennonite Conference, 11,000 members in the North America, plus 34,000
affiliate members in 8 countries worldwide.
Beachy Amish Mennonite, with 10,000 US members (159 congregrations) plus many
international locations.
The remaining 20 or so other smaller independent Churches and Conferences numbering only a
few churches and a few hundred members.[25] Finally, there are 100 or more small independent
churches with one or a few congregations numbering from as high as 2,000 members to as low as
a 40 members.

The Mennonite World Conference is a global community of 95 Mennonite and Brethren in
Christ Mennonite national Churches from 51 countries on six continents. It exists to "facilitate
community between Anabaptist-related churches worldwide, and relate to other Christian world
communions and organizations", but it is not a 'governing body' of any kind. It is a voluntary
community of faith whose decisions are not binding on member churches. The member churches
of Mennonite World Conference include the Mennonite Brethren, the Mennonite Church USA,
and the Mennonite Church Canada, with a combined total membership of at least 400,000, or
about 30% of Mennonites worldwide.


Organization: North America:

Alexanderwohl Mennonite Church in rural Goessel, KansasIn 2003, there were about 323,000
Mennonites in the United States.[26] About 110,000 were members of Mennonite Church USA
churches, while about 26,000 were members of Mennonite Brethren churches. About 30,000
(according to Scott) were members of conservative and old order churches. (That leaves about
159,000 Mennonites unaccounted for in other United States' churches). Other sources list
236,084 total United States Mennonites.[27]

Total membership in Mennonite Church USA denominations decreased from about 133,000,
before the merger in 1998, to about 114,000 after the merger in 2003. The Mennonite Church
USA has begun profiling potential members and has been successful at recruiting inner-city
minorities into the church in several large cities in the United States. Significant growth in the
conservative churches seems to be occurring by itself in the already existing communities.

In Canada, in 2003 there were around 130,000 Mennonites.[28] About 37,000 of those were
members of Mennonite Church Canada churches and about another 35,000 of those were
members of Mennonite Brethren churches. About 5,000 belonged to conservative Old Order
Mennonite churches, or other ultra-conservative and orthodox churches. (That leaves about
55,000 Mennonites unaccounted for in other Canadian churches).

As of 2003, there were an estimated 80,000 Old Colony Mennonites in Mexico.[29] These
Mennonites descend from a mass migration in the 1920s of roughly 6,000 Old Colony
Mennonites from the Canadian provinces of Manitoba and Saskatchewan. In 1921, a Canadian
Mennonite delegation arriving in Mexico received a privilegium, a promise of non-interference,
from the Mexican government. This guarantee of many freedoms was the impetus that created
the two original Old Colony settlements near Patos(Nuevo Ideal), Durango, and Cuauhtémoc,
Chihuahua.[30]


See also:

Anabaptism
Amish
Hutterites
Mennonite Central Committee
Mennonite denominations
John Howard Yoder
Schleitheim Confession
Shunning
Excommunication
Simple living
Eastern Mennonite Missions

Notes:

^ 2006 Mennonite & Brethren in Christ World Membership - Mennonite World Conference

^ Mennonite Disaster Service. Retrieved on 2007-05-30.

^ Mennonite Conciliation Service. Retrieved on 2007-05-30.

^   "Mennonites". Catholic Encyclopedia. (1913). New York: Robert Appleton Company.  

^ Smith p.139

^ Smith p.360. Smith uses Mennonite-Quaker to refer to Quakers who were formerly
Mennonite and retained distinctive Mennonite beliefs and practices.

^ See A Minute Against Slavery, Addressed to Germantown Monthly Meeting, 1688 for text of
the meetings message.

^ Pannabacker p. 7.

^ Pannabacker p. 12.

^ Horsch, p. 16

^ Gingerich p. 420.

^ Krahn, pp. 76-78.

^ Gingerich p. 452.

^ http://www.lifesite.net/ldn/2007/aug/07081701.html

^ http://www.canada.com/montrealgazette/news/story.html?id=8aa6f3f4-45fd-42d3-ad45-
38b1106bddfc

^ http://www.christianity.ca/news/national/2007/09.000.html

^ http://www.becketfund.org/index.php/article/701.html

^ http://www.theglobeandmail

References:

Gingerich, Melvin (1949), Service for Peace, A History of Mennonite Civilian Public Service,
Mennonite Central Committee.

Horsch, James E. (Ed.) (1999), Mennonite Directory, Herald Press. ISBN 0-8361-9454-3

Krahn, Cornelius, Gingerich, Melvin & Harms, Orlando (Eds.) (1955). The Mennonite
Encyclopedia, Volume I, pp. 76-78. Mennoniite Publishing House.

Mennonite & Brethren in Christ World Directory 2003. Available On-line at http://www.mwc-
cmm.org/Directory/index.htm

Pannabecker, Samuel Floyd (1975), Open Doors: A History of the General Conference
Mennonite Church, Faith and Life Press. ISBN 0-87303-636-0

Scott, Stephen (1995), An Introduction to Old Order and Conservative Mennonite Groups, Good
Books, ISBN 1-56148-101-7

Smith, C. Henry (1981), Smith's Story of the Mennonites Fifth Edition, Faith and Life Press.
ISBN 0-87303-060-5

Hans Herr
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Hans Herr (September 17, 1639 – October 11, 1725) was born in Zürich, Switzerland, a
descendant of the Knight, Hugo Herr. He joined the religious society. He was a bishop in the
Mennonite faith.

When religious persecution became unendurable in Switzerland, many of his congregation
emigrated with him to the Palatinate in Germany, which was governed by a ruler who promised
them protection and religious freedom. This was satisfactory until the Palatinate fell into the
hands of other rulers, when the Mennonites were again subject to severe religious persecution.

When this occurred, a number of them visited Penn in London, in 1707, and arranged terms
with him to colonize a portion of what is now Lancaster county near what was then the western
frontier of Pennsylvania. In 1709, Hans Herr, John R. Bundely, Hans Mylin, Martin Kendig,
Jacob Miller, Hans Funk, Hans Graff (Groff), Martin Oberholtzer, Wendel Bowman and others
bought 10,000 acres (40 km²) of land on the south side of Pequea creek. A warrant was issued
for the land October 10, 1710, and it was surveyed October 23, 1710.

The tradition, which is no doubt true, is that these people held a conference as to what steps
should be taken to inform their relatives and friends left behind in Europe of their opinions and
expectations, and it was determined that Hans Herr, their revered minister, should return,
explain the situation and the great advantaged of emigration, and bring with him those he could
induce to come. He returned with many more immigrants despite making the journey at 70
years old.

He had six sons. The Hans Herr House, built by his son Christian Herr in 1719, is open to the
public as a museum, and is the oldest Pennsylvania German settlement still in existence today.























The 1719 Hans Herr House is the oldest still-standing European dwelling place in what is now
Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, and the oldest still-standing Mennonite meeting house in the
Western Hemisphere

Welcome to the official 1719 Hans Herr House & Museum website!

An Introduction to the Museum

The 1719 Hans Herr House, built in that year by Hans’ son Christian, is the oldest surviving
dwelling place of European settlers in what is now Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. It is the
oldest still-standing Mennonite meeting house in the Western Hemisphere. It is reputed to have
been the home of Hans Herr and his wife Elizabeth. It was certainly the home of Christian Herr
and his wife Anna, and several of Christian and Anna’s children. Both Hans Herr and Christian
Herr were bishops of the Mennonite faith.

For more information about the Mennonite Faith in general, a good starting point is found here.

The “Hans Herr House" is the oldest extant dwelling of a settlement on ten thousand acres
granted in October of 1710 to nine Mennonite men. In the Spring of 1711, seven of those men
came with their families to establish homes in what was then the westernmost edge of
Pennsylvania. Their route to the area followed an ancient Native path called the “Great
Conestoga Road”, which passed within yards of the site on which, eight years later, the 1719
House would be built.

The 1719 House, or “Hans Herr House” as it is known locally, was a home to several generations
of Hans Herr’s family until the 1860s, after which it was used as a barn and storage shed. It was
restored to colonial-era appearance in the early 1970s. It is now part of a Museum complex
which includes three Pennsylvania German farmhouses, several barns and other outbuildings,
and an extensive collection of farm equipment spanning three centuries. The 1719 House is
perhaps the most frequently pictured building in Lancaster County. The artist Andrew Wyeth,
himself a relative of Hans Herr, created a well-known image of the house before its restoration.

Schwenkfelder Church
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


The Schwenkfelder Church is a small American Christian body rooted in the 16th century
Protestant Reformation teachings of Caspar Schwenkfeld von Ossig (1489-1561).

Contents:

1 History
2 Characteristics

History:

Though followers have held the teachings of Schwenkfeld since the 16th century, the
Schwenkfelder Church did not come into existence until the 20th century, due in large part to
Schwenkfeld's emphasis on inner spirituality over outward form. He also labored for a fellowship
of all believers and one church. By the middle of the 16th century, there were thousands of
followers of his "Reformation by the Middle Way". His ideas appear to be a middle ground
between the ways of the Reformation of Martin Luther, John Calvin and Huldrych Zwingli, and
the Radical Reformation of the Anabaptists.

Originally calling themselves Confessors of the Glory of Christ[1], Schwenkfeld's followers later
became known as Schwenkfelders. These Christians often suffered persecution like slavery,
prison and fines at the hands of the government and state churches in Europe. Most of them
lived in southern Germany and Lower Silesia. They tell a story about their origins in which the
devil is taking a group of Schwenkfelders to Hades and the bag broke over Harpersdorf.

By the beginning of the 18th century, the remaining Schwenkfelders lived around Harpersdorf.
As the persecution intensified around 1719-1725, they were given refuge in 1726 by Nicolaus
Ludwig von Zinzendorf in Saxony. When the Elector of Saxony died in 1733, Jesuits sought the
new ruler to return the Schwenkfelders to Harpersdorf. With their freedom in jeopardy, they
decided to look to the New World; toleration was also extended to them in Silesia in 1742 by
King Frederick II of Prussia.

The immigrant members of the Schwenkfelder Church brought saffron to the Americas; many
Schwenkfelders had grown saffron in Europe. A group came to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, in
1731, and several migrations continued until 1737. The largest group, 180 Schwenkfelders,
arrived in 1734. In 1782, the Society of Schwenkfelders was formed, and in 1909 the
Schwenkfelder Church was organized. The Schwenkfelder Church has remained small: as of
2003 there are six congregations[2] with about 3,000 members in southeastern Pennsylvania. All
of these bodies are within a fifty-mile radius of Philadelphia. The General Conference of the
Schwenkfelder Church meets annually.


Characteristics:

They teach that the Bible is the source of Christian theology, but also believe it is dead without
the inner work of the Holy Spirit. They also continue his belief that the divinity of Jesus was
progressive, and that the Lord's supper is a mystical spiritual partaking of the body of Christ in
open communion. Adult baptism and dedication of children is practiced. Their ecclesiastical
tradition is congregational and ecumenical. The Schwenkfelder churches recognize the right of
the individual in decisions such as public service, armed combat, etc. Ministers are chosen by lot.

In the Schwenckfeldian teaching such stress is laid on the inner, spiritual, element in religion
that it results in an utter depreciation of external worship. The sacraments are retained merely
in a symbolical sense. The administration of baptism to infants is discarded as useless; it is
considered legitimate for adults, but unnecessary. The presence of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist
is denied. The sacramental words "This is My Body; this is My Blood" mean to them "My Body
is this (bread); My Blood is this (wine)", i. e., as bread and wine nourish and strengthen the
body, so the Body and Blood of Christ are spiritual food and drink for the soul.

Two distinct natures are indeed admitted in the incarnate Christ; but the human element in Him
is said to be essentially different from the nature of an ordinary man. It was derived from the
very beginning from the Divine substance and was deified by the sufferings, death and
Resurrection of the Saviour.


Old German Baptist Brethren
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Old German Baptist Brethren (OGBB) descend from a pietist movement in Schwarzenau,
Germany, in 1708, when Alexander Mack founded a fellowship with 8 believers. They are one of
eight Brethren groups that trace themselves to that original founding body. These emerged from
the German Reformed and Lutheran Churches, and are historically known as German Baptists
rather than English Baptists. Other names by which they are sometimes identified are Dunkers,
Dunkards, Tunkers, and Täufer, all relating to their practice of baptism by immersion. They are
part of the post-reformation Anabaptists (which include, among others, the Amish and
Mennonites), who rejected baptism of infants as a biblically valid form of baptism. Because of
persecution, many German Baptists emigrated to America with the greatest influx being in the
late 1720s and early 1730s.

Contents:

1 History
2 Theology and worship
3 References

      History

The first American congregation was founded near Germantown, Pennsylvania, in 1719.
Originally known as Neue Täufer (new Baptists), in America they used the name "German
Baptist" and officially adopted the title German Baptist Brethren at their Annual Meeting in
1871. The Old German Baptist Brethren represent a conservative faction that would not tolerate
certain modern innovations of the 19th century. In 1881, they broke away from the main body in
order to maintain older customs, dress, and forms of worship. OGBB are noted for several
ordinances like believer's baptism by trine immersion, feet washing, the love feast, communion
of the bread and cup, the holy kiss, and anointing of the sick with oil. Baptism is by trine
forward-immersion in running water. They hold an Annual Meeting associated with Pentecost,
and cooperate in publishing a monthly periodical called The Vindicator. According to The
Directory of Officals (2008), the Old German Baptist Brethren had 6,299 members in 56
churches at the end of 2007. The largest concentration of congregations is in Ohio (16), followed
by Indiana (9), California (4), Kansas (5), Pennsylvania (5), Virginia (4), Washington (3), Florida
(2), Wisconsin (2), Georgia (1), Michigan (1), Missouri (1), Montana (1), Oregon (1) and West
Virginia (1). Almost 54% of the members live in Ohio (1,965) and Indiana (1,414).

From 1881 to 1883, a large division occurred over several matters including Sunday Schools,
higher education, plain dress, revivalism, and church discipline. The split resulted in three
denominational organizations: the Old German Baptist Brethren, The Brethren Church and the
Church of the Brethren.

The advance of modernity is connected to two early 20th century divisions among the Old
German Baptists. In 1913 a group broke away in Indiana and formed the Old Brethren. In 1915,
another congregation of Old Brethren was organized in California. The issue which is often
given as the cause for the division was the acceptance of the telephone by the Old German
Baptist, but generally the Old Brethren wanted a more uniform adherence to annual meeting
decisions and wanted to uphold the old order form of annual meeting which was simpler than had
developed among the Old German Baptist. After 1930, they placed less stress on annual meeting
authority than did the parent body, believing it to be more for edification and teaching. Moral
persuasion rather than legislative decisions of annual meeting is the basis for adherence to the
church's order. Their membership, among 3 congregations (California, Indiana, and Ohio), in
2000 was 250. As the original Old German Baptist Brethren body became more accepting of
automobiles, another group withdrew in 1921 to become the Old Order German Baptist
Brethren. They do not use automobiles, electric power or telephones. In 2000, the Old Orders
numbered 125 from one congregation in Ohio. Two other minor divisions occurred in the 1990s
resulting in 3 congregations of 185 total members. Currently, they do not support use of the
internet.

There are several different Brethren groups that are not related to the Schwarzenau movement,
such as the Plymouth Brethren that arose in England and Ireland early in the 19th century
through the labors of Edward Cronin and John Nelson Darby. However, the teachings of Darby,
called Dispensationalism, have been influential among many in the OGBB.

The OGBB are the root of several other Brethren denominations, including the Old Order
German Baptist Brethren (Petitioners), German Baptist Brethren, Church of the Brethren,
Dunkard Brethren, The Brethren Church, the Old Brethren Church, the Fellowship of Grace
Brethren Churches (FGBC), the Conservative Grace Brethren Churches, International (CGBCI)
and the Brethren Reformed Church.


Theology and worship

The theology of the Old German Baptist Brethren Church is not well documented. A Doctrinal
Treatise was published in 1952 and presents the doctrinal distinctives of the OGBB, but it is not
a creed or formal statement of faith to which members must subscribe. When asked for a creed,
most Old German Baptist Brethren claim that the New Testament is the closest thing they have
to a creed. The brotherhood also publishes its Minutes of the Annual Meeting which are often
used in matters of church discipline, instruction, and organizational governance.

Historically, the theological position of the OGBB was largely established by Peter Nead and
William J. Shoup, both of whom were prolific Brethren authors and preachers. Nead, in
particular, was a schooled Lutheran who converted to the Brethren and brought a refined system
of teaching to the fellowship.

The theological position of the OGBB can be diverse, especially in geographically sparse regions.
Generally, the OGBB believe in Free Will, and that faith in the Lord Jesus Christ is required for
salvation, as the Bible teaches, to be followed by a life of literal obedience to His word. Some
believe in baptismal regeneration, while others do not. The OGBB are a non-resistant sect,
whose young men usually file as conscientious objectors in times of war. They are not pacifists,
however, in the same way as Quakers; although the OGBB is one of the historic Peace Churches.

The form of worship is fairly consistent from church to church, with acappella singing, kneeling
in prayer, sermons by elected ministers (plural ministry), and provision for divided seating with
women and men assembled on opposite sides of the meetinghouse, although this is more evident
in more-conservative congregations.

        References

Anabaptist World USA, Donald B. Kraybill and C. Nelson Hostetter, (2001) Herald Press

Roots by the River, Dr. Marcus Miller, (1973) Independently Published

Brethren Society: The Cultural Transformation of a Peculiar People, Carl F. Bowman (1995)
Johns Hopkins University Press

Brethren Encyclopedia, Vol. I-III, Donald F. Durnbaugh, editor (1983) The Brethren
Encyclopedia Inc.

Brethren Encyclopedia, Vol. IV, Donald F. Durnbaugh and Dale V. Ulrich, editors, Carl Bowman,
contributing editor (2006) The Brethren Encyclopedia Inc.

Fruit of the Vine, A History of the Brethren 1708-1995, Donald F. Durnbaugh (1997) Brethren
Press


Rumspringa
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Rumspringa (also Rumschpringe or Rumshpringa -- derived from the "Deitsch" (Amish dialect
of German) term for 'running around'. -- generally refers to a period of adolescence for
members of the Amish religious denomination - a subsect of the Anabaptist Christian
movement - that begins around the age of sixteen and ends when a youth chooses baptism within
the Amish church or instead leaves the community.[1] The vast majority choose baptism and
remain in the church.[2] Not all Amish use this term[citation needed], but in sects that do
Amish elders generally view this time for courtship and finding a spouse.[3]

Contents:

1 Popularized view
2 Leaving the community
3 Variations
4 Etymology
5 Rumspringa in popular culture
6 References
    Popularized view:

As is the case in many societies, Amish adolescents may engage in rebellious behavior, resisting
or defying parental norms. In many cultures, enforcement may be relaxed, and misbehavior
tolerated or overlooked to a degree. A view of rumspringa has emerged in popular culture that
this divergence from custom is an accepted part of adolescence or a rite of passage for Amish
youth. Among the Amish who use this term, however, rumspringa simply refers to adolescence.
During that time a certain amount of misbehavior is unsurprising and is not so severely
condemned (for instance, by Meidung or shunning). Adults who have made a permanent and
public commitment to the faith would be held to the higher standards of behavior defined in part
by the Schleitheim and Dordrecht confessions[4]. In a narrow sense the young are not bound by
the Ordnung because they have not taken adult membership in the church. Amish adolescents
do remain however under the strict authority of parents who are bound to Ordnung, and there is
no period when adolescents are formally "released" from these rules.[5][6][7]

A minority of Amish youth do diverge from established customs.[8] Some may be found:[9]

Wearing non-traditional clothing and hair styles
Driving vehicles instead of horse drawn buggies (for communities that eschew vehicles)
Not attending home prayer
Drinking, smoking, and/or drug use
In Anabaptist belief, it is essential for adults to enter baptism knowingly and informed, and that
could mean being informed concerning life outside the strict Amish culture.[10] Not all youth
diverge from custom during this period; approximately half in the larger communities and the
majority in smaller Amish communities remain within the norms of Amish dress or behavior
during adolescence.[11]

Leaving the community:

Some Amish youth do indeed separate themselves from the community, even going to live
among the "English", or non-Amish North Americans, experiencing modern technology and
perhaps even experimenting with sex, drugs, and alcohol. Their behavior during this time
represents no necessary bar to returning for adult baptism into the Amish church. Most of them
do not wander far from their family's homes during this time, and large numbers ultimately
choose to join the church. However this proportion varies from community to community, and
within a community between more acculturated and less acculturated Amish. For example,
Swartzendruber Amish have a higher retention rate than the New Order Amish within the
Holmes County, Ohio community[citation needed]. This figure was significantly lower as
recently as the 1950s, Hostetler (102-05) provides evidence that desertion from the Amish
community is not a long-term trend, and was not less of a problem in the early colonial years. It
is very common for those individuals who choose not be baptized into the church to be shunned
by their community and even by their own families.


        Variations:

As among the non-Amish, there is variation among communities and individual families as to
the best response to adolescent misbehaviour. In some cases, patience and forbearance prevail,
and in others, vigorous discipline. Far from an open separation from parental ways, the
misbehaviour of young people during the rumspringa is usually furtive, though often collective
(this is especially true in smaller and more isolated populations; the larger communities are
discussed below). Groups of Amish adolescents may meet in town and change into "English"
clothing, and share tobacco, alcohol and marijuana; girls may put on jewelry and cosmetics. They
may or may not mingle with non-Amish in these excursions. The age is marked normatively in
some Amish communities by allowing the young man to purchase a small "courting buggy," or -
in some communities - by painting the yard-gate blue (traditionally meaning "daughter of
marriageable age living here"; the custom is noted by A.M. Aurand in "The Amish" (1938)
along with the reasonable caution that sometimes a blue gate is just a blue gate). There is some
opinion that adolescent rebellion tends to be more radical, more institutionalized (and therefore
in a sense more accepted) in the more restrictive communities.

The nature of the rumspringa period differs from individual to individual and from community
to community. In large Amish communities like Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, Holmes
County, Ohio, and Elkhart and LaGrange Counties, Indiana, the Amish are numerous enough
that there exists an Amish youth subculture. During the rumspringa period, the Amish youth in
these large communities will join one of various groups ranging from the most rebellious to the
least. These groups are not divided across traditional Amish church district boundaries. In many
smaller communities, Amish youth may have a much more restricted rumspringa period due to
the smaller size of the communities. Likewise, they may be less likely to partake in strong
rebellious behaviour since the anonymity offered in the larger communities is absent.

According to Donald B. Kraybill and James Hurd a mild form of rumspringa is practised among
Wenger Old Order Mennonites when they turn 17.


          Etymology:

The word, literally meaning "running around", in Pennsylvania German, is a contraction of
rum, an adverb meaning "around" (also used as a separable prefix as in the case of
rumschpringe), and the verb schpringe, meaning "to run" or "to skip."

The word rumspringa is closely related to the standard German word herumspringen, although
the rum has more of the meaning of "around" than "about". Omitting the he syllable leaving
only the rum is widely accepted in colloquial German and does not change the meaning of the
prefix. The modern German word springen means "to jump" and bears no meaning in the form
of "to run" anymore. In Swiss German as in some German dialects, springe however does -
besides meaning "to jump" - also mean "to run". In modern German "to skip" would rather be
translated with the verb hüpfen. The German noun Herumspringen (literally "to jump around")
correlates with the Pennsylvanian German word rumschpringe, describing a state of change or
unrest, but bears no correlation to the Amish custom of rumschpringe.


Rumspringa in popular culture:

As evidenced by the sources below, popular culture and the media have cultivated the idea that
the Amish deliberately countenance adolescent rebellion. Perhaps the belief validates a
cherished notion of Amish wisdom, but tolerance for deviation from norms is not counted a
virtue among the Amish. In interviews, Amish have shown themselves to be aware of these
misconceptions and are by turns bewildered and amused.

Rumspringa is the subject of the film documentary Devil's Playground. Director Lucy Walker
gained unprecedented access to research and film inside the previously closed community, and
this documentary film first investigated and publicized this phenomenon. The documentary film
has proved extremely popular and gained many accolades including being nominated for the
Independent Spirit Award for Best Documentary as well as three Emmy Awards (Best
Documentary, Best Editing, Best Cinematography). Spin-offs from Devil's Playground include a
book of Walker's transcribed interviews Rumspringa: To Be Or Not To Be Amish and a UPN
reality television series Amish in the City. Following the release of Devil's Playground, the
practice has also been the subject of plotlines on the TV shows ER, Grey's Anatomy, Las Vegas,
Strong Medicine, Cold Case, and Judging Amy, as well as being a part of the Abram's Daughters
series of novels from Beverly Lewis. A 2002 Oprah episode had as its subject rumspringa and
Devil's Playground and featured director Lucy Walker and film subject Emma Miller.


References:

^ Shachtman pp 10-11

^ Shachtman pp 14

^ Shachtman pp 14

^ Bowman, pp 75

^ Hostetler pp 154

^ Igou pp 165-166

^ Nolt pp 105

^ Shachtman pp 13

^ Shachtman pp 10-11

^ Shachtman pp 27-30

^ Shachtman pp 13

Hostetler, John A. Amish Society. 4th ed. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1993,
Igou, Brad, ed. The Amish in their Own Words: Amish Writings from 25 Years of Family Life
Magazine. Scottsdale, PA and Waterloo, ON: Herald Press, 1999 Nolt, Steven M. A

History of the Amish. Intercourse, PA: Good Books, 1992.

Shachtman, Tom. Rumspringa: To Be or Not to Be Amish. New York: North Point Press (Farrar,
Straus and Giroux), 2006. [Based on research for the documentary The Devil's Playground]
Bowman, Carl Desportes. Brethren Society: The Cultural Transformation of a Peculiar People,
1995 ISBN 0-80184-9055


Hex sign
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Hex signs are a form of Pennsylvania Dutch folk art, related to Fraktur, found in the Fancy
Dutch tradition in Pennsylvania Dutch Country.[1] It is claimed by some to be of a talismanic
nature, and by others to be purely decorative, or "Chust for nice" in the local dialect. Amish do
not use hex signs.[2]

Contents [hide]
1 Form and use
2 Controversies
3 Derivation
4 References
5 Further reading
6 See also


    Form and use

Artfully painted octagonal or hexagonal star-like patterns are a well-known sight on
Pennsylvania Dutch barns in central Pennsylvania, especially in Berks County and Lancaster
County. However, the decoration of barns is a late development in Pennsylvania Dutch folk art.
Prior to the 1830s, the cost of paint meant that most barns were unpainted. As paint became
affordable, the Pennsylvania Dutch began to decorate their barns much like they decorated
items in their homes. Barn decorating reached its peak in the early 20th century, at which time
there were many artists who specialized in barn decorating. Drawn from a large repertoire of
folk designs, barn painters combined many elements in their decorations. The geometric
patterns of quilts can easily be seen in the patterns of many hex signs. Hearts and tulips seen on
barns are commonly found on elaborately lettered and decorated birth, baptism and marriage
certificates known as Fraktur.

In the 20th Century, mobile signs were produced as commodities. These signs could be bought
and then mounted onto barns. Jacob Zook of Paradise claimed to have originated the modern
mountable sign in 1942, based on traditional designs, to be sold in the family souvenir store to
tourists along the Lincoln Highway.[3][4]

In recent years, they have been used by non-Pennsylvania Dutch persons as talismans for folk
magic rather than as items of decoration. Some scholars argue that they have never had any
connection with superstition or magic. They are viewed as decorative symbols of ethnic
identification, possibly originating in reaction to 19th Century attempts made by the government
to suppress the Pennsylvania German language.[5]


      Controversies

Anabaptist sects (like the Amish and Mennonites) in the region have a negative view of hex
signs. It is not surprising that hex signs are rarely, and perhaps never, seen on an Amish or
Mennonite household or farm.[6] John Joseph Stoudt, a folk art scholar, opposed the
interpretation that the art work had any magical significance.


        Derivation

There are two opposing schools of belief regarding the derivation of the name. Those who
support the occult nature of the signs assert that the term hex derives from the Pennsylvanian
German word 'Hex' (German 'Hexe'), meaning 'witch'. By contrast, supporters of the folk-art
theory point out that the most popular hex signs were six-sided, brightly colored geometric
designs, termed hexagram, from the Greek root hex- meaning "six".


References:

^ YourLancaster.com

^ Amish News

^ Jacob Zook and the History of Hex Signs

^ YourLancaster.com


Pennsylvania German language
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Pennsylvania German/Dutch
Pennsilfaanisch-Deitsch, Pennsilfaani-Deitsch
Spoken in: Canada, USA  
Region: Northern Indiana; East Central Illinois; Southeastern Pennsylvania; Central Ohio;
Kitchener-Waterloo Region, Ontario; and elsewhere
Total speakers: 250 000–300 000
Language family: Indo-European
Germanic
West Germanic
High German
West Central German
Pennsylvania German/Dutch


Pennsylvania German, or more commonly[citation needed] Pennsylvania Dutch, (Deitsch,
Pennsylvania Deutsch, Pennsilfaanisch-Deitsch, Pennsilfaani-Deitsch, Pennsilveni-Deitsch,
Pennsilfaanisch), is a West Central German variety spoken by 150,000 to 250,000 people in
North America. It is traditionally the language of the Pennsylvania Dutch community.

In this context, the word "Dutch" does not refer to the people of the Netherlands. "Dutch" here
is left over from an archaic sense of the English word "Dutch" (compare German Deutsch,
Dutch Duits), which once referred to all people speaking a non-peripheral continental West
Germanic language on the European mainland.

The Pennsylvania Dutch (perhaps more strictly Pennsylvania Deitsch or Pennsylvania Germans
or Pennsylvania Deutsch) are the descendants of German immigrants who came to Pennsylvania
prior to 1800. According to Don Yoder, a Pennsylvania German expert and retired University of
Pennsylvania professor, the word "Dutch" in this case owes its origin to an archaic meaning
where the word "Dutch" designated groups that are considered today German and Dutch.
Although Yoder rejects other explanations, other sources, such as Hostetler (1993) give the
origin of "Dutch" as a corruption or a "folk-rendering" of the term "Deitsch".[1] The difficulty
is enlarged by the fact that the oldest native term for the Dutch language happens to be Dietsch,
a stem that also shows up in the derivation of Plautdietsch. Plautdietsch developed on a mixed
Dutch / Low German substrate, according to the Dutch linguist Ad Welschen (2000), which is
certainly not the case with Pennsylvania Deitsch. So Deitsch means 'German', whilst Dietsch
means 'Dutch' [2].

The use of the term Pennsylvania German versus Pennsylvania Dutch is a source of some
debate among speakers of the language. Linguistically and historically, the term Pennsylvania
German should by far be the preferable one, as argued above. Culturally, however, many
residents of the Dutch regions of Pennsylvania prefer to be identified as Pennsylvania Dutch -
presumably because they view themselves and their traditions (which have thrived
independently of Europe for 300 years) as representing a distinctly American subculture rather
than being primarily derivative of western Germany.

Speakers of the language are found today mainly in Pennsylvania (Dutch Country), Ohio, and
Indiana in the United States, and Ontario, Canada. Historically, the dialect was spoken by most
persons in Pennsylvania of south German origin, whether Lutheran, Reformed, Catholic, or
belonging to any of a number of other Christian denominations. The use of Pennsylvania
German as a street language in urban areas (such as Allentown, Reading, Lancaster and York)
was declining by the arrival of the 20th century, while in more rural areas it continued in
widespread use through World War II but not much beyond. Today, the majority of speakers are
either Amish or Old Order Mennonite (see Survival below). (Note that some other North and
South American Mennonites of Dutch and Prussian origin speak Plautdietsch, which is a very
different Low German variety.)

Contents:

1 European origins
1.1 "Deitsch" today in Germany
2 Speaking
3 Writing
4 Differences from standard German
4.1 Grammar
4.2 Pronunciation
4.2.1 Vowels
4.2.2 Consonants
4.3 Adoption of English vocabulary
4.4 Vocabulary that is not derived from English or High German
5 Survival
6 Speaker population
7 See also
8 References


European origins:

The Pennsylvania German language resembles most closely the Franconian dialects of German.
This is because Pennsylvania German speakers came from various parts of the southwest
German-speaking corner including the Palatinate, Swabia, Württemberg, Alsace, and
Switzerland. Most settlers spoke a West Middle German or Franconian dialect, and in the first
generations after the settlers arrived it is believed that the dialects merged.

The language which resulted most resembles Palatinate German.


"Deitsch" today in Germany:

If visitors from the Pfalz, the area from where many of the Amish people stem from, encounter
Amish people, conversation is often possible without any problems. There are hardly any
differences between the "Deitsch" that is still spoken today in this small part of south-western
Germany and the one spoken by the Amish. There are approximately 2,400,000 Germans in
Metropol-Region-Rhein-Neckar (a region almost identical to the historical Pfalz) speaking
Pfälzisch , the specific German dialect from which the "Pennsylvania German" is mainly derived.
[citation needed]

Speaking:

In earlier generations, the Pennsylvania Dutch spoke English fluently but with a strong and
distinctive accent. English speakers with a Pennsylvania German accent were sometimes noted
for blending the sounds of v and w. The phrase "A wonderful violin," when spoken by a
"Dutchman", might be perceived by a mainstream American as being pronounced, "A vonderful
violin." The reason for this is interference. The German language does not have a [w] sound,
and German learners of English often find it difficult to differentiate between the /v/ in vine and
the /w/ in wine. This is also seen often among Germans when English words beginning with the
sound /w/ are mistakenly pronounced with a /v/.

Some other examples of Pennsylvania Dutch pronunciation: house=haus (or hoss); once=vunc;
you=yuh or du; why=vie; will-vill; the=the or de. Other typical sounds "oh" and "au" ("ow")
sounds that are quite broad and virtually un-diphthonged, somewhat like some accents of
Canadian English but more pronounced. Consonants like "t", "p" and "s" were spoken as in
Pennsylvania German, as described below. The spoken language often had a slow, lilting rhythm,
whether the speaker was speaking English or German. Today, this accent lives most as a
stereotype in the tourist imagination[citation needed], and most Pennsylvania German speakers
today speak English with only a very slight Deitsch accent, if at all. With many modern speakers
of the language, it is English that has "corrupted" the Pennsylvania German pronunciation
rather than the other way around.


Writing:

There are currently two competing writing systems for the language. These use English and
German writing systems, respectively, to approximate the sounds of Pennsylvania German. The
choice of writing system is not meant to imply any difference in pronunciation. For comparison,
the Lord's Prayer written under the two systems, as well as in English and in Modern German,
appears below.

English (BCP) Writing system 1 (English-based) Writing system 2 (German-based) Modern
German:

Our Father who art in heaven, Unsah Faddah im Himmel, Unser Vadder im Himmel, Vater
unser im Himmel,

Hallowed be thy name. dei nohma loss heilich sei, dei Naame loss heilich sei, geheiligt werde
dein Name,

Thy kingdom come. Dei Reich loss kumma. Dei Reich loss komme. Dein Reich komme.

Thy will be done, Dei villa loss gedu sei, Dei Wille loss gedu sei, Dein Wille geschehe,

on earth as in heaven. uf di eaht vi im Himmel. uff die Erd wie im Himmel. wie im Himmel, so
auf Erden.

Give us this day our daily bread. Unsah tayklich broht gebb uns heit, Unser deeglich Brot gebb
uns heit, Unser tägliches Brot gib uns heute,

And forgive us our trespasses; Un fagebb unsah shulda, Un vergebb unser Schulde, Und vergib
uns unsere Schuld,

as we forgive those who tresspass against us. vi miah dee fagevva vo uns shuldich sinn. wie mir
die vergewwe wu uns schuldich sinn. wie auch wir vergeben unseren Schuldigern.

And lead us not into temptation Un fiah uns naett in di fasuchung, Un fiehr uns net in die
Versuchung, Und führe uns nicht in Versuchung,

but deliver us from evil. avvah hald uns fu'm eevila. awwer hald uns vum Iewile. sondern erlöse
uns von dem Bösen.

For thine is thy kingdom, thy power Fa dei is es Reich, di graft, Fer dei is es Reich, die Graft,
Denn Dein ist das Reich, und die Kraft

and thy glory, For ever and ever. un di hallichkeit in ayvichkeit. un die Hallichkeit in Ewichkeit.
und die Herrlichkeit in Ewigkeit.

Amen. Amen. Amen. Amen.

Since 1997, the Pennsylvania German newspaper Hiwwe wie Driwwe allows dialect authors (of
which there are still about 100) to publish Pennsylvania German poetry and prose. Hiwwe wie
Driwwe is published twice a year (2,400 copies per issue).

As a Franconian dialect, Pennsylvania German is much closer to standard German than are
many other modern German dialects, including Bavarian, Swiss German, or any of the northern
forms of the language.

The differences from High German (Standard German) can be summarized as consisting
principally of a simplified grammatical structure, several vowel and consonant shifts that occur
with a fair degree of regularity, an important influence from English in both vocabulary and
(increasingly) pronunciation and the use of some words that cannot be tied back to either
English or High German roots but seem to be unique to Pennsylvania German or to have their
origin in one or more South German dialects.


Grammar:

Pennsylvania German grammar is quite similar to that of High German, with a few
simplifications. Like High German, Pennsylvania German uses three genders (der Mann, die
Frau, das Kind). Pronouns inflect for four cases, as in High German, but the nominative and
accusative are identical for articles and adjective endings (High German "den" becomes "der" in
Pennsylvania German). As in other South German and West German dialects, the genitive is
replaced by a special construction using the dative and the possessive pronoun: "that man's dog"
becomes "dem Mann sein Hund". Adjectival endings exist but are somewhat simplified
compared to High German. The past tense is generally expressed with the present perfect tense:
"Ich bin ins Feld glaafe" (I went into the field) rather than the simple past that can be used in
High German ("Ich lief ins Feld"). The use of the subjunctive, while it exists, is even more
limited than in modern High German.

Several Pennsylvania German grammars have been published over the years. The clearest and
most concise is A Simple Grammar of Pennsylvania Dutch by J. William Frey, although Earl C.
Haag's A Pennsylvania German Reader and Grammar is also well organized and is easier to find.

In Lancaster County and some other regions, the use of the dative has been replaced over time
by the accusative, so that "dem Mann sei Hund" (the man's dog) becomes "der Mann sei Hund",
and "Ich bin am schaffe" (I am working) becomes "ich bin an schaffe". This is leading to a
disappearance of declensions among some speakers.


Most speakers of High German will quickly learn to understand Pennsylvania German if they
learn the following basic vowel and consonantal shifts. Many Germans are used to sound shifts
of different dialects. They are able to understand, but not to speak other dialects. However,
understanding can be hard or impossible if the differences are too big. The sound values are
represented under German spelling rules, with the same sound under English spelling rules
indicated in parentheses.


Vowels:

/aː/ => /oː/ (in some words): schlafen => schloofe
/aʊ/ => /ɔ/ This varies from speaker to speaker. Example: auch => "au" or "aa"
final /ə/ => /iː/ (in some speakers only, and generally only with feminine and plural endings):
gute Frau => guudi Fraa
/ɔɪ/ => /aɪ/ Example: neu => nei
/o/ => /ʌ/ Example: Bodde (floor) is thus pronounced somewhat like the American "butter", but
without the final "r". In contrast, the first vowel of "Budder" (butter) rhymes with the
American "took"
/ɶ/ => /ɛ/ Example: Köpfe => Kepp
/øː/ => /eː/ Example: schön => schee
/y/ => /ɪ/ Example: dünn => dinn
/yː/ => /iː/ Example: Kühe => Kieh

Consonants:

/b/ => /v/ or ww, depending whether the preceding vowel is short or long (only when between
vowels, not in initial or final position) (English: b => v). Example: Kübel => Kiwwel
/g/ => /j/ (mostly in some words following /r/ plus a vowel). Example: morgen => morje. For
speakers with an Americanized r (/ɹ/) sound, the /j/ can disappear.
/g/ often becomes silent between vowels. Example: sagen => saage. Since the letter "g" has been
retained by so many past writers, this sound was presumably pronounced as a /ɣ/ before it
disappeared.
/k/ => /g/ (when followed by consonants such as /l/ and /ɹ/). Example: klein => glee
final /n/ generally disappears, including in infinitives. Example: [ˈva.ʃən] => ['va.ʃə]
/p/ => /b/ in many words. Example: [ˈpʰuːt.tsən] => [ˈbuːt.tsə]
/pf/ => /p/. Example: Pfarrer ([ˈpfaː.rər] => Parrer ([ˈpaː.rər])
final /r/ after a vowel is even more strongly vocalized than in modern High German, so that
"Budder" is pronounced "Buddah". It often disappears entirely from both spelling and
pronunciation, as in Herz = Haaz.
/r/ in all other positions was originally rolled (/r/, except for with some Amish, who tended to
gutteralize it as in modern High German. Today most speakers have migrated to have an
American /ɹ/, at least in part.
/s/ => /ʃ/ before /p/ or /t/, even at the end of a word. Example: bist => bischt
/s/ is all other locations is never voiced (always like the first "s" in the English "Susie", never
like the second)
/t/ => /d/, especially initially and when followed by /r/ or a vowel. Example: [ˈtʰoːd] => [ˈdoːt];
Butter => Budder
w is for many speakers a rounded sound midway between a German and English "w". This does
not apply to German /b/ sounds that become "w" and "ww", which tend to be a true German
"w". Other speakers use a German "w" more consistently.
final /ts/ => /s/ with some speakers. Example: [ˈhoːlts] => [ˈhoːls]
Among the Amish of Lancaster County, there have been numerous other shifts that can make
their Pennsylvania German particularly difficult for modern High German speakers to
understand. A word beginning in "gs" generally becomes "ts" (which is more easily
pronounced), so that German gesund => gsund => tsund and German gesagt => gsaat => tsaat.
(This trait is found in Lancaster County outside of the Amish communities as well.) Likewise,
German gescheid => gscheid => tscheid (as if it were English "chite"). German zurück => zrick
=> tschrick (exactly as in American English "trick"). The softened "w" after guttural
consonants has mixed with the guttural "r" of earlier generations and also turned into an
American "r", so that German gewesen => gwest => grest and German geschwind => gschwind
=> tschrind (spoken as "trint" would be in American English). These changes in pronunciation,
combined with the general disappearance of declensions as described above, result in a form of
the language that has evolved considerably from its early Pennsylvania origins nearly 300 years
ago.


Adoption of English vocabulary:

The southern Germanic peoples who together formed the original Pennsylvania Dutch culture
and language arrived in America in the early 18th century, before the beginning of the
Industrial Revolution. This is also true, to a more limited extent, of a second wave of
immigration in the mid-19th century, who came from the same regions but settled more in
Ohio, Indiana and other parts of the mid-West. Thus, an entire industrial vocabulary relating to
electricity, machinery and modern farming implements has naturally been borrowed from the
English. For Pennsylvania German speakers who work in a modern trade or in an industrial
environment, this increases the challenge of maintaining their mother tongue.

There are a number of English words that have been used since the first generations of
Pennsylvania Dutch habitation of southeastern Pennsylvania. Examples of English loan words
that are relatively common include "bet" (Ich bet, du kannscht Deitsch schwetze = I bet you can
speak Dutch), "depend" (Es dependt en wennig waer du bischt = it depends somewhat on who
you are), "juscht" and "juscht abaat" for the English "just" and "just about" (but with the "j"
pronounced like an English "y", as in German); "tschaepp" for "chap" or "guy"; and
"tschumbe" for "to jump". With some adjustments to the pronunciation, "dad" and "daddy"
become "Daet" and "Daadi", respectively; and "mom" becomes "maem" (roughly rhyming with
"ham"). A car is, at least for the Lancaster County Amish, a "Maschiin" (just like the English
"machine"). Today, many speakers will use Pennsylvania German words for small numbers and
English for larger and more complex numbers, like "$27,599."


Pennsylvania German contains a number of words that do not exist in standard High German
but are derived from any of a number of south German dialects. Potatoes are "Grumbeere";
someone is "ebbe" or "eppe"; something is "ebbes" or "eppes" [Like in the Hessian dialect of
German, where "ebbes" = "etwas"]; boy is "Bu" (plural Buwe)[Standard German 'Bub, plural
Buben' ]. The demonstrative adjective "seller" (engl. "that one") is found in a number of South
German dialects but not in High German. Some words have cognates in High German but have a
different meaning in Pennsylvania German, at least with some speakers: "schwetze" is the
standard word for "to speak", while in High German the connotation of "schwätzen" tends in
the direction of idle gossip; "schmacke" can mean "to smell" while the High German
"schmecken" means "to taste"; "schpringe" can mean "to run" rather than "to jump".
"springen = jump, rennen = run".

Where a High German would have a choice between "tun" and "machen", a Pennsylvania
Dutchman will generally prefer the former (pronounced "du"). The words "du", "duscht" and
"geduh" (in High German "tue" and "tun", "tust" and "getan") appear far more frequently in
Pennsylvania German than in High German or even Palatine German.

A number of words are truly unique to Pennsylvania German. What Americans would call
"corn" and most languages elsewhere in the world call "maize" is "Welschkorn" or
"Welschkann" in Pennsylvania German; "welsch" means "unintelligible" in ancient Germanic
languages, and it also means, by extension, "foreign," thus "foreign corn" (since in Germany,
rye and not maize is considered to be "corn"). Turkey, likewise, is "Welschhahn", meaning
"foreign rooster" because it is not like German fowl. "To like" is "gleiche," which derives from
the German word "gleichen," meaning "to be similar."


Survival:

Pennsylvania German can be said to be dying in at least two ways. First, while it was once used
as an everyday language in many parts of southeastern Pennsylvania, today it is not. There are
still many among the older generations who speak it; however, most of their descendants know
only English. Second, the Amish, who do speak the language every day, use many English words
in their Pennsylvania German. Because of this transformation, there is a fear among some that
the Amish are gradually losing the language as they slowly replace Pennsylvania German words
with English ones. Another concern is that this process is being quickened as land in many
larger Amish communities becomes more scarce, which is forcing more Amish to look for jobs
outside of farming and in factories where they are exposed to English much more than before.

Only Amish and Old Order Mennonites, i.e., the plain people, are passing the language along to
their children in the current generation, although they were originally minority groups within
the Pennsylvania German speaking population. According to sociologist John A. Hostetler, fewer
than 10 percent of the original Pennsylvania German population was Amish or Mennonite.

However, there is no sign that the Old Order Amish or the Old Order Mennonites who still use
the language are about to give it up. In these cultures, the language is a sign of Demut or
humility, and the language serves as a barrier against the outside world. Furthermore, with the
high birth rate in Amish communities, the possibility is great that the language will survive at
least in the short term. In fact, the Old Order Amish population which numbered only about
5000 in 1900 has been doubling every 21 years. If this pace were to hold up, the number of
Pennsylvania German speakers could rise quite rapidly in the coming century.


Speaker population:

In Canada, the Amish, Old Order Mennonites, and many middle-aged and older Mennonites who
do not belong to the Old Order, and whose ancestors came from Pennsylvania, speak
Pennsylvania German. There are far fewer speakers of Pennsylvania German in Canada than in
the United States; however, at least one Canadian Mennonite group has been slower at
abandoning the language than their American counterparts.

Such is the case with the automobile Old Order Mennonites, whose members in Canada have
continued to use Pennsylvania German in the home, whereas the Old Orders who use
automobiles in the United States are making the switch to English.

In the United States all Old Order and New Amish and almost all horse and buggy Old Order
Mennonite groups speak Pennsylvania German (the Shenandoah Valley's Old Order Mennonites
are the exception, they have many families who speak only English, and their Sunday meetings
are conducted in English only). As for the Beachy Amish, there has been a move towards English
in many families. There are also diverse groups of those who can speak the language:
Lutherans, members of Reformed churches, Moravians, Schwenkfelders, and members of the
Church of the Brethren. Together, these people once represented the vast bulk of Pennsylvania
German speakers.

These communities are also making efforts to re-teach the language in evening classes;
however, as every year passes by fewer and fewer in these particular communities speak the
language. There is still a weekly radio program in the dialect whose audience is made up mostly
of these diverse groups, and many Lutheran and Reformed church congregations in
Pennsylvania that formerly used German have a yearly service in Pennsylvania German. Other
non-native speakers of the language include those persons that regularly do business with native
speakers.

A fair estimate of the speaker population today would be between 150,000 (a very conservative
estimate) to 250,000, although many, including some academic publications, may report much
lower numbers, uninformed of those diverse speaker groups[citation needed].

Among them, the Amish population is probably around 150,000 to 200,000; the Old Order
Mennonites population is several tens of thousands, and there are thousands of older, less
conservative Mennonites who speak the language, and thousands among older Pennsylvanian
non-Amish and non-Mennonites. The Grundsau Lodge, which is an organisation in southeastern
Pennsylvania of Pennsylvania German speakers, is said to have 6,000 members.

The number of Amish community members is not easy to estimate. In many cases, what is
referred to as the Amish population represents only the baptized members of the community,
which does not include younger members of the communities in their mid-twenties or younger.
A better estimate is achieved based on the number of gmayna (church districts) and the average
size of each gmay or church district. Furthermore, while there are large communities of
speakers in the states of Indiana, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, there are smaller speaker groups
found in and outside those states, and in Canada, scattered among English speakers.

There are no formal statistics on Amish population, and most who speak Pennsylvania German
on the Canadian and US Census would report that they speak German, since it is the closest
option available.

In Mario Pei's book Language for Everybody, a popular poem in the dialect is printed:

Heut is 's xäctly zwanzig Johr
Dass ich bin owwe naus;
Nau bin ich widder lewig z'rück
Und steh am Schulhaus an d'r Krick
Juscht nächst ans Daddy's Haus.

(This translates freely as:

Today is exactly twenty years
That I've been over now;
Now I am back [in Europe] again
And stand in the schoolhouse by the creek
Just next to daddy's house.)


See also:

Pennsylvania Dutch English
Pennsylvania Dutch Country
German-Pennsylvanian Association
Hutterite German
Languages in the United States
Plautdietsch
Texas German
Solomon DeLong - PG author/translator
H. L. Fischer - PG author/translator
Thomas C. Zimmerman - PG author/translator
The Forest of Time

References:

^ Hostetler, John A. (1993), Amish Society, The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, p.
241
^ Welschen, Ad (2000-2005): Course Dutch Society and Culture, International School for
Humanities and Social Studies ISHSS, University of Amsterdam

External links:
Pennsylvania German language edition of Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaOrganizations

German Society of Pennsylvania
The Pennsylvania German Society
Deutsch-Pennsylvanischer Arbeitskreis / German-Pennsylvanian Association
In Pennsylvania German

Hiwwe wie Driwwe - The Pennsylvania German Newspaper
Deitscherei.org - Fer der Deitsch Wandel
Self instruction

Learning Pennsylvania German - beginners' guide
Pennsylvania Dutch Dialect Project - pronunciation and grammar
Further information

Pennsylvania German language at Ethnologue
Recordings of native speakers
Pennsylvania German in non-Amish, non-Mennonite communities
From the Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online
Vass Is Deitsch? - background on Deitsch in North America and the world
Possible explanations for the confusion of names
[hide]v • d • eVarieties of German spoken outside Europe

Pacific Unserdeutsch

Southwest Africa Namibian Black German

South Africa Nataler Deutsch

North America Hutterite German • Pennsylvania German • Texas German

South America Alemán Coloniero • Belgranodeutsch • Riograndenser Hunsrückisch

No specific region Plautdietsch

Ulrich Zwingli
Menno Simons