



Human Rights Essays #IV How Masaryk Influenced Historic Events By Karl Hausner In Prague in 1896, thanks to his connections and those of his wife's family, Masaryk made an acquaintance with the extraordinarily wealthy American Industrialist and diplomat Charles Crane (1858 - 1931), with whom he established a very close friendship. Crane became a large financial donor to Masaryk and financed, in a large scale, the then Czech and Slovakian resistance against the Habsburg Monarchy in the U.S.A. Through the Englishmen Henry W. Steed and Robert Seton-Watson, they cultivated direct contacts with government circles in London. In 1912, Crane financed the election campaign of Thomas Woodrow Wilson (1856 - 1924), who in 1913, became the American President. Crane became his counselor in the White House. Thus, Masaryk established a very effective Czech lobby with the new administration. The son, Richard Crane (1882-1938), was Private Secretary to the Secretary of State in Washington during World War I. From 1919-1922, Jan Masaryk, the son of Thomas G. Masaryk, worked from 1907-1913 at the branches of the Firm Crane in Bridgeport, Chicago. He married Crane's daughter, Leatherby. From 1919 to 1920, Jan Masaryk was, Charge d'affaires at the State Department for Czechoslovakia, and afterwards, until 1939, Czech Ambassador in London. Since England did not accept the Protectorate status in Bohemia and Moravia, he maintained his position. While at the side of Benes, he became the Foreign Minister in exile and later from 1945 to 1948 in Prague. During the Communist take-over, he lost his life at the so-called Defenestration of Prague, details of which remain unclear to this day. In 1945, Jan Masaryk gave to his colleague Josef Koerbel, born in 1909 in Geiersberg (father of U.S. Secretary of State Madeline Albright), the villa at the Hradschin Plaza No. 11, now the restaurant "U Labuti". Previously, the very-well-to-do German owner, the Nebrich family, had to leave their villa at a moment's notice with only hand-carried belongings. In 1948, the Koeerbels, who in the meantime called themselves Korbel, took with them in their escape to the U.S.A., the entire inventory, including valuable oil paintings. The German Spiegel commented on this (17/1999). Madeleine Albright and her brother are thus far refusing to return the stolen property to the Nebrich sisters. Another important, downright fateful personality in the web of Czech-American connection built mainly by Masaryk, was Emanuel Viktor Voska. He was born in Kuttenberg 9Kutna Hora) on the 4th of November in 1875 and emigrated to America in 1894. The trained stone-sculptor became construction entrepreneur, bought several marble quarries and quickly attained considerable wealth. This man, hardly mentioned by historians, was also politically very active, intimately close to Charles Crane, and worked extensively with Czech militant associations in America and the Wilson government. He was the leader of the Czech "Sokol", a socialistic association, and the association of Free Thinkers. He was also a publisher of several magazines in the Czech language. In 1902 he he became acquainted with Masaryk. In 1910 and 1912 he invited Masaryk and organized at his own expense, exclusive lecture tours in the U.S.A., at which time considerable sums of money were collected for Masaryk's effort to destroy the Habsberg Empire. During that time there were, besides Voska, Stefan Osusky, an attorney in Chicago (1889 - 1973), and Vojta Benes (1878-1951), who had emigrated to the U.S.A. in 1915. They were active in the Czech resistance in the U.S.A. and were able to collect large contributions for Masaryk, In the fall of 1914, there began the close collaboration of Masaryk with the brother of Vojta, Eduard Benes (1884-1948), and somewhat later with M.R. Stefanik (1880-1919). Both lived in Paris and cultivated contacts with the highest French, Italian and English circles. Thus, Paris was the European center of the Czechoslovakian underground organization, which stood in close connection with the "Mafia" of Prague, led by Karel Kramar (1860 - 1937). Preparing For World War I And the Destruction of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire In June 1914, Voska came to Prague to see Thomas Garrigue Masaryk and other Czech politicians to consult in the event of a possible war. On his return trip at the end of August in 1914, he traveled from Holland to London. There he gave to W. Steed of the Englsh Secret Service Masaryk's detailed report concerning the political situation in Austria-Hungary. After Voska's return to the U.S.A., he advancd the Czech association of the American Czechs and Slovaks. He organized actions for the support of the Czech resistance against the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy and financed it decisevely from both his own sources and also through donations from associations. In 1914/1915 he founded a courier service between native and the foreign Czech resistance. Already instituted by Masaryk, he could skim dependable sources directly fro the Viennese Court and forward this valuable, up-to-date information, to the Western Allies. For this, he was generously financed by the English Secret Service. At times, he engaged two couriers monthly, en-route between Vienna, Prague, Paris, London, Chicago and Washington. Until 1917, St. Petersburg was also included. In 1915, he founded with Czech countrymen in the U.S.A., counterespionage agains the German and Austria-Hungarian espionage service. While in Switzerland, on the 6th of July in 1915, Masaryk declared wat against Austria-Hungary in the name of the yet only aspiring Czechoslovakia. Masaryk encouraged Czech and Slovak soldiers to desert. Sometimes, even entire units up to the regimental level deserted from the Austrian-Hungarian frontlines to Russia, the Balkans and Italy. They became known as legionaries. For that< Masaryk, Benes and some others, were sentenced to death in absentia for high treason by the Austrian court. Later they were pardoned by Emperor Karl, the successor of Franz Josef. After the declaration of war by the U.S.A. in the spring of 1917, Voska was called into the American army with the rank of captain, and he became the liaison officer between the Czech legions and the U.S. army. From April until September of 1917 he was in Russia (at the same time as Masaryk). There he organized the American espionage service (Slav Press Bureau). In 1918/1919 he was in charge of the Central-European espionage section of the American General Staff. Voaka, from the beginning of the war, informed the decision-making personalities of the personal liaison between Masaryk and President Wilson (!). In 1919, he became consultant for the American delegation at the Peace Conference in Paris. Conference partner to the Czech delegation under the leadership of Karel Kramar was Dr. Eduard Benes. This delegation was counted among the victorious powers. Therefore, it had in addition to this status, its direct authorities in the circle of the American President. (On June 3, 1918, Masaryk's outline). The French side was led by Clemenceau (incidentally, when he died, he was buried standing up-a fact known by Johannes Rammund De Balliel-Lawrora through his grandfather, Anton Balliel), whose hatred of the German-Austrian war enemies was well known. Also the propaganda activity of the Benes group in Paris and the politicians of the Western powers was supported by the counsel of Masaryk, Benes, Stefanik and Voska. American politicians often were not able to differentiate betwee Bosnia, Bohemia, Slovena and Slovakia. Thus, Benes especially, was able to operate with falsified maps relative to the settlement area and false statements as to the number of Sudeten--Germans and Magyars. He used a number of 1.6 million instead of the factual figure of 3.6 million Sudeten-Germans and well over a million other ethnic groups. The Sudeten-German representation under Rudolf Lodgman vonAuen, (1877-19620, as part of the German-Austrian delegation, was from the outset in a losing position. Thus the Austrian-Hungarian Empire, in the dictate of St. Germain was destroyed, which would have been the foundation of United Europe. The U.S. Senate never ratified the treaties of Saint-Germain and Versailles and thus,world War II was aklo continuation of these conflicts. (Incidentally, at Versailles, the Germans and Austrians were forced to sit on shortened stools so that the so-called victorious allies could further insult those that lost the war. All questions thrown at the Germans and Austrian were answered as questions by the allies, and answered by them, in order to further degrade their characters - GAWHS). After 1919 Voska lived as a businessman and entrepreneur in the CSR. Politically, he was active in the Social-Democratic Party, and published several articles about the Czech resistance during World War I. In 1936/1937 he supported the Communist revolution in Spain. On the 16th of March in 1939 he was arrest by the Gestapo, but for "reasons of Health" was soon released. In June of 1939 he was aple to return to the U.S.A. In 1940 Voska's book Spy and Counterspy was published, which he had written together with W. Irwin. From 1941-1945 he was in Turkey as an American itelligence officer (colonel), returning to the CSR in 1945. He was incarceratedmby the Czech communists in 1959. He died shortly after his release in 1960 and was posthumously fully rehabilitated in 1991. The close and direct connection and the immediate influence of the Czech emigrants, respectively such dependable authorities as Charles Crane and Voska upon the Wilson government, obviously played a substantial role in the entry of the U.S.A. into World War I in 1917. The Czechs and their friends were interested in the total defeat of the Central Powers, especially Austria-Hungary. Due to the absence of Russia on the battlefield following the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, they saw their goal in great danger. The American declaration of war in 1917 and the later deployment of 1.2 million U.S. troops, gave Masaryk and his group new confidence. When, on the 18th of October in 1918, President Wilson declined to accept the last peace offer of the Austrian Emperor Karl, it elicited an immense jubilation amont Czech nationalists. On the same day, Masaryk proclaimed in Pittsburgh the foundation of Czechoslovakia. This was the deathblow for the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy. Czech politicians claimed that President Wilson and the Allies in Central Europe would not have acted without the consent of Masaryk. With that, the U.S.A. attained a position of World power. Masaryk, through his manifold fund raising actions, meanwhile had substantial financial means at his personal disposal. Without difficulty, he was able to undertake numerous travels with his daughter Olga between America and Europe to the Far East and Russia. In addition, he provided for the pay of his collaborators, couriers and agents, including the legionaries. In 1923, he agave each of his family members and also Eduard Benes 2.05 million Kc. He bought a house in Auspitz for his legal father, and for his "half brother" Ludwig, he equipped a printing shop. Considerable amounts were also transferred to various friends, publishers and foundations. In 1932, he deposited 10 million Kc into the Masaryk Foundation. (At that time, the country was in a depression). During the course of his life Masaryk evolved from a young German-Austrian scholar, who only advocated a larger Bohemian autonomy, into a champion, intellectually and linguistically, for a Czech national state. He demanded the /czech claim for everything within the borders of Bohemia, Moravia, Sudeten-Silesia and Slovakia. In his message on the 23rd of December in 1918, he described the Sudeten-Germans as having come into the country as immigrants and colonists. In an interview on the 10th of January in 1919 he indicated, one would for these strangers in the country ... perhaps create a certain modus vivendi, and should they prove to be loyal citizens, it might even be possible for our parliament to grant them, at least in the arena of public education, a certain autonomy. In areas settled by Germans he said: "Besides, I am convinced, that a very swift de-germanization of these areas will take place". It is imaginable that he would expect for the Germans in the country, or at least for many of them,to be Czechs, as he did himself. As it emerges from the memoirs of Herbert Hoover, Wilson's successor in the American presidency, Masaryk was even willing to forgo a part of western Bohemia, in order not to incorporate many Germans into the new state. He asked Hoover "to influence President Wilson to the effect that the Presidentg might oppose the integration of this area, because it would place him (Masaryk) into a difficult situation with his colleagues if he were to do it himself"> Less Germans in the land would have meant that even with a relative autonomy of the ethnic groups, the Czech majority vs. the sum of all the others would have been secured. However, in the negotiations agt Saint-Germain, the French prevailed, especially Clemenceau, who "insisted upon leaving as many Germans as possible in Czechoslovakia in order to weaken Germany". Now Masaryk and Benes stressed sepecially the thesis of a Czech-Slovakian nation in order to insure the majority through the inclusion of the Slovaks. Masaryk also had the confidence of M. R. Stefanik, the Slovak leader. Yet he, because of President Wilson's 14 points regarding the peoples' self-determination was only agreeable to begin with a cantonal federation (similar to Switzerland) of states for a probationary period of ten years. Through this substantial demand in the name of the Slovakian people, he became antagonized with Eduard Benes. This was "the reward" for having introduced Benes into the highest political circles in France and Italy. Also for organizing the Czech and Slovak legions who, independent of their questionable actions in Russia, served as proof of the Czech war participation and thus, the new nation was counted as a victorious power. It became the key to the foundation of the state. After the conclusion of the peace conference of St. Germaine, most of the promises were ignored by Benes and Masaryk. Czechoslovakia actually should have become a non-military state with guaranteed self-determination, fashioned in the character of Switzerland (neutrality and cantonal autonomy). The first demonstration of power by the Czechoslovak state was the military occupation of the Sudetenland and Slovakia, crushing all resistance by force. The national minorities had to mourn their first dead. (March 4, 1919 over 50 German demonstrators including women and children were shot to death and many were wounded). The only one in opposition to be taken seriously in this matter, was the Slovak Stefanik, a French Officer, and in the end a general. His deadly "accident" on the 4th of May in 1919, eliminated him. (This was most likely an assassination, like that of Jan Masaryk in 1948). The bodily decline of the elerly Masaryk, who was becomin increasingly blind and senile, allowed Benes an altogether free hand, and the great tragedy took its course, making the 3.5 Million Sudeten Germans and the minorities strangers in their own homeland. Certainly not what was promised to be a country like Switzerland. From Another Poin Of View Masaryk & America - Testimony of a Relationship From the Introduction of Subject Book By George J. Kovtun Library of Congress Washington 1988 In 1902, Masaryk traveled to America at the invitation of the philanthropic industrialist Charles R. Crane, who had established a foundation for Slavic lectures at the university of Chicago. By a happy coincidence, Crane turned out to be a friend of Woodrow Wilson's, a fact that was to serve Masaryk well until 1918. Two years elapsed between Masaryk's first and second journeys to America. During this period, he became a well-known figure in Czech public life. He was assigned to the new Czech university in Prague as a philosophy professor, after which he founded a periodical, Athenaeum, in which he practiced what he called "scientific criticism". He published several books on the problems of Czech history and politics, and on social andphilosophical questions. In the years 1891-93 he represented the Young Czech Party in the Austrian parliament in Vienna. During Masaryk's second visit in the USA (which lasted three months) Masaryk made an extended tour of the Czech immigrant centers, visiting New York, Chicago, St. Louis, Baltimore, Cleveland, Cedar Rapids, and other cities. He had not yet presented a political program of independence, but speaking on a variety of subjects (religion, socialism, Czech literature and history) he clearly contributed to Czech and also Slovak national aspirations. On his third visit, in 1907, Masaryk came to America as a Czech intellectual whose political role had received fresh impetus. He began his journey shortly after having been elected a member of the Vienna Parliament for a second term, representing the small Progressive Party, which he helped create in 1900. He arrived in New York on August 7 and stayed in America for two months. He participated in the Congress of the Religious Liberals in Boston and again visited the Czech immigrants. His appearances before the Czech-Americans culminated in a series of speeches delivered at the Association of Czech Freethinkers in Chicago. It was his fourth and last visit to America that made history. He came at the beginning of May 1918, as the leader of the Czechoslovak Liberation Movement, and left in November, already the first President of Czechoslovakia (without any vote by the Czech or Slovak people). Masaryk had left Austria-Hungary in December 1914, traveling to then neutral Italy. From there he moved to Switzerland and to France, and in October 1915 settled down in Great Britain. He worked for the cause of a "free Czechoslovakia" in the West European Allied capitals. When the Tsarist autocracy was replaced by a provisional republican government in Petrograd in March of 1917, Mazaryk went from England to Russia, where he hoped to recruit thousands of volunteers from the ranks of the Czech and Slovak prisoners and deserters of war for his army. During World War I, Masaryk traveled with a false passport he had received from the British government, alway as a "Professor". In Russia he succeeded in organizing the largest Czechoslovak army in Russian domestic conflicts, and its later transfer to France, where reinforcements were sorely needed against the German onslaught. (Contrary to these agreements, Czech legions robbed and even destroyed Russian villages). Recognizing the growing importance of the United States, which finally declared war on Austria-Hungary in December 1917, Masaryk traveled to America. He crossed European Russia and Siberia in a train. After a brief stay in Japan, he sailed from Yokohama to Vancouver, and arrived i n Chicago on May 5, 1918. His political aims became evident in the second section of the book. ("Lobbying for an Independent State"), consisting mainly of documents which show the American Czechs and Slovaks campaigning for a program of self-determination and independence, as well as Masaryk's own explanation of his goals. In the third section of the book, ("Masaryk and American ideals" and "Masaryk and Wilson") we see from Masaryk' declarations, statements, and letters how he valued American democratic tradition, and Woodrow Wilson as the interpreter of this tradition. Clever as he was, he became a mastermind behind Wilson's Fourteen Points of Self-determination for Europe, which was a direct contradiction to Wilson's "melting pot" ideology in the United States. Masaryk owed his invitation to lecture at Chicago University in 1902 to the recommendation of the French Slavist Louis Leger and to his knowledge of English. Before his second trip to the United States he was visited by one of the founders of Slavic studies in America, Leo Wiener who wrote the first report about Masaryk for the American press. During his last visit in the United States before the First World War in 1907, Masaryk earned the special attention of the Association of Galician and Bukovinian Jews, which held a public gathering in his honor. Before returning to the United States in September of 1914, Voska offered himself to Masaryk as a courier for his contacts with the Western countries. In March of 1915, most of the scattered Czech groups were united in the Bohemian National Alliance (BNA). In October of the same year, the BNA formally entered into an agreement with the Slovak organization, the Slovak League of America, to pursue jointly the aim of political independence under the banner of self-determination. Before the Czech and Slovak immigrants could develop their anti-Habsburg propaganda effectively, Masaryk sought assistance from individual American sympathizers, among whom Charles R. Crane was the key person. Masaryk informed Crane in a letter written on February 1915, from Geneva, that the Czechoslovak revolutionaries "prepare the extreme steps a nation can and must do to get her independence", and asked for financial help. Crane furnished material assistance and arranged for the first interview by an American correspondent with Masaryk during the war. Not all the people who were willing to recommend Masaryk to Wilson's attention believed in the feasibility and success of Masaryk's aim. The American Journalist Norman Hapgood, a friend of Wilson's, sent a copy of one of Masaryk's memoranda from London to the White House on January 29, 1917, but said in his accompanying letter. "I myself am not for an independent Bohemia, but I think Professor Masaryk deserves a hearing". The first recognition of Masaryk's idea was given by France in the time of the premiership of Briand, who promised assistance to the Czech people. When President Wilson sent his inquiry to the Allies concerning their program, their response included, among other things, the independence of the Czechoslovak nation. That was solemnly promised by the Allies. Masaryk in the Spotlight Officially Washington received Masaryk as an expert on Russia who, it was hoped, would throw some new light on the enigmatic developments in that disorganized country. His idea of psychological warfare, which made use of the antagonism between the Slavic peoples of Austria and the German-oriented government was, however, not always understood by the diplomats. When Breckinridge Long (Third Assistant Secretary of State) on September 17, 1918 wrote his second memorandum dealing with Masaryk, the United States had already recognized Masaryk's movement as the de facto government of Czechoslovakia. The subjects of the conversation between Long and Masaryk included economic assistance and the situation of Czechoslovak Legions in Russia. Masaryk used the opportunity to reemphasize his concept of the independence of small nations as a necessary and useful principle of international order, which he did not actually plan to implement in Czechoslovakia, though in America he did not admit to this. In October 1918, Masaryik prepared the Czechoslovak Declaration of Independence, which was clearly inspired by the American Declaration of 1776. (What a propaganda scheme it was). The Czechoslovak Declaration (whose official version is in English), was drafted by Masaryk, edited with the assistance of several American friends, and released by Masaryk in October of 1918, as the final solemn act of his revolutionary movement. Masaryk and Wilson The first message, addressed by Masaryk directly to Wilson, arrived in Washington on December 13, 1917. Masaryk sent a telegram from Kiev after he had heard the United States declaratio of war on Austria-Hungary. He was convinced that America's full participation in the war against the Central Powers was the logical conclusion of a necessary development. (Now, the United States supports the creation of a European Union, which existed in a small way, during the time of the Austrain-Hungarian Empire, which had to be destroyed in 1919). The first meeting between Masaryk and Wilson is described in two documents. Shortly after his visit to the White House on June 19, 1918, Masaryk wrote a hasty note in Czech, summarizing the main points of the conversation. The note was published in a Czech collection of coduments in Prague in 1953. For his own record and to inform his friends, Masaryk also wrote, or dictated an English note on his meeting with Wilson. One copy of the note was handed to Richard Crane, the son of Charles R. Crane and private secretary to Robert Lansing. After it had become obvious that the Czechoslovak soldiers in Russia were entangled in a conflict with Bolshevik units (because they were robbing peasants). Masaryk asked the American Government for assistance. Wilson, while maintaining his negative view concerning a military intervention in Russia, was finally impressed by the appeals of France and Britain and agreed to dispatch several thousand American troops to the area of Vladivostok, not to intervene in Russian affairs, but to safeguard "the country to the rear of the westward-moving Czech-Slovak Legionnaires." Masaryk was thankful for the decision. When Masaryhk came to see Wilson on September 11, 1918, the question under discussion included assistance for the Czechoslovak Army in Russia, the recent agreement between the Czechoslovak National Council and the British government, and the possibility of a Japanese supreme command over foreign troops in Siberia. (Mostly Czech and Slovak legionnaires). In October 1918, Masaryk became the head of the Mid-European Union, a group of Central European representatives, residing in the United States. On October 26, 1918, the Mid-European Union, convening in Philadelphia issued a "democratic" manifesto called the "Declaration of Common Aimes". Masaryk used the opportunite to send the declaration to Wilson to explain his concept of European reconstruction (Wilson's Fourteen Points). The last meeting between Masaryk and Wilson took place on November 15, 1918. Masaryk, fearing a loss of prestige for the American President, advised Wilson against becoming personally involved in mthe detailed European questions at the peace conference. His apprehension is shown in a Czech note written in his hand and published in facsimile in Jan Herben's biography. T. G. Masaryk. (Wilson in poor healtlh, had become a liability in the upcoming dictates of peace). From Masaryk's book Svetova Revoluce (The Making of a State): "I begun my personal relations with President Wilson relatively late. I arrived in Washington on May 9, 1918, aned met Wilson for the first time on June 19, the invitation being conveyed by Mr. Charles R. Crane. "In all my political campaigns abroad it has been my method to try to influence statesmen through public declarations, articles, and interviews. And before I saw the President, I spoke with people with whom he was in contact aned who had a certain influence on him." (This, in his own words, was the corrupt nature of Masaryk. The New Europe In his work, Masaryk expressed the need to explain why he had begun his revolutionary activity. At the heart of The New Europe lies Masaryk's demand to create an independent Czechoslovak state. This, however, was not an isolated goal. Masaryk also "demanded" an independent Poland and Yugoslavia and an entire zone of independent nations between Germany and Russia. The political reconstruction of Eastern Europe was considered by him "the principal problem in the aftermath of the war". He invokes the principle of national self-determination, but he also sees that in many territories with mixed population, the border lines between the states could not be based on ethnographic factors (a total contradiction to self determination). The new states in which the "small oppressed Slavic" nations will exercise their political freedom will be created within historical and natural borders. Inevitably, these states will include national minorities which will be guaranteed their civil rights by an international agreement, and possibly by an international arbitration tribunal for national questions. (This he never permitted and certainly did not plan). Twenty years later, World War II broke out, as a direct consequence of the stupidity and injustice at Versailles and Saint Germaine. Czechoslovakia broke apart twice, first in 1938/39 and then in 1992. Three and a half Million Sudeten Germans were made homeless in 1945/46, over 240 thousand killed and the rest expelled in addition to a few hundred thousand from Slovakia. Between 1948 and 1989, Czechs and Slovaks had to endure self-inflicted tyranny by Communists. Now, extremely poor nations are not willing to accept U.S. House Resolution No. 562 of October 13, 1998 to permit the return or compensation of those expelled. Yet, they eagerly wanted to join NATO and now the European Union, the very constellation, which existed in a small way, in the Habsburg Empire, which Masaryk, with the help of the Western Allies, in 1919 destroyed. In this essay, we cannot expand deeper reviewing the situation in Poland and Yugoslavia. Especially the latter has become a land of hostilities with no real peace and harmony in sight. When will the Government of the United States stop reconstructing the world by supporting revolutionaries and terrorists? In view of September 11, 2001, this would be the only way to protect our people from such "Freedom Fighters", or better terrorists. Had World War I dended differently, the Bolshevik Revolution would have not likely succeeded, and World War II would have been prevented. The tyranny, which Stalin forced on Eastern Europe after World War II, for over forty years, would have not taken place. Not to mention the Cold War, the ten trillion dollars, which the American taxpayers had to pay and the twenty-six additional wars, which Americans had to fight, just to mention Korea and Vietnam and the problems in the Middle East and Africa. If we had stayed neutral, as our Founding Fathers intended, and certainly did not envision this kind of foreign policy, we would not have become the target of international terrorism. Will we learn from history, or will we continue the course of "reconstructing and policing" the world? Can we win the war against terrorism if we continue to support terrorists, as was Masaryk? Bibliography: 1. Dr. Ferdinand D. Katzer: "Was ueber T.G. Masaryk und Boehmen oft im Dunkeln bleibt", Sudetendeutsche Zeitung, November 24, 2000. 2. Prof. Dr. Josef Kalvoda: "The Genesis of Czechoslovakia", New York 1986. 3. George J. Kovtun: "Masaryk & America", Library of Congress, Washington 1988. 4. Charles Richard Crane, the National Encyclopedia of American Biography, page 221-222. 5. Woodrow Wilson, the National Encyclopedia of American Biography, page 169-170. 6. Edith Bolling Galt Wilson, the National Encyclopedia of American Biography. 7. "Bohemia", Deutsche Zeitung, "Die erste Botschaft Masaryks" (Masaryk's first message). 23. December 1919. 8. Emanuel Victor Voska and Will Irwin: "Spy and Counterspy", Doubleday, Doran & Co., Inc. New York, 1940. 9. David F. Houston: "Eight years with Wilson's Cabinet 1913 to 1920", Doubleday, Page & Company, New York 1923. 10. Sophie A. Welisch: "Die Sudetendeutsche Frage 1918-1928, Verlag Robert Lerche, Muenchen, 1980, ISBN 3-87478-124-0. 11. Sudetendeutsche Atlas, Sudetendeutsche Landsmanschaft, Muenchen. Prepared for presentation at the Twenty-Sixth Annual Symposium of the Society for German-American Studies, Amana Colonies, Iowa, April 18-21, 2002. Recognition: The author appreciates and recognizes the important library research of Titanila Strbova, including translations from Czech language into English and transcription of the manuscript and the translation from German into English by Hans-Jochen Holz. |