Page Title

Essays on Liberty and Human Rights - VI

Continued from Human Rights Essays - V

(Human Rights Essays - VI)

     How Masaryk Influenced Historic Events

                                 By Karl Hausner

In Prague in 1896, thanks to his connections and those of his wife's family, Masaryk
made an acquaintance with the extraordinarily wealthy American Industrialist and
diplomat Charles Crane (1858 - 1931), with whom he established a very close
friendship. Crane became a large financial donor to Masaryk and financed, in a
large scale, the then Czech and Slovakian resistance against the Habsburg
Monarchy in the U.S.A. Through the Englishmen Henry W. Steed and Robert
Seton-Watson, they cultivated direct contacts with government circles in London.
In 1912, Crane financed the election campaign of Thomas Woodrow Wilson (1856 -
1924), who in 1913, became the American President.   Crane became his counselor
in the White House.   Thus, Masaryk established a very effective Czech lobby with
the new administration. The son, Richard Crane (1882-1938), was Private Secretary
to the Secretary of State in Washington during World War I. From 1919-1922, Jan
Masaryk, the son of Thomas G. Masaryk, worked from 1907-1913 at the branches of
the Firm Crane in Bridgeport, Chicago. He married Crane's daughter, Leatherby.

From 1919 to 1920, Jan Masaryk was, Charge d'affaires at the State Department for
Czechoslovakia, and afterwards, until 1939, Czech Ambassador in London. Since
England did not accept the Protectorate status in Bohemia and Moravia, he
maintained his position. While at the side of Benes, he became the Foreign
Minister in exile and later from 1945 to 1948 in Prague. During the Communist
take-over, he lost his life at the so-called Defenestration of Prague, details of
which remain unclear to this day.

In 1945, Jan Masaryk gave to his colleague Josef Koerbel, born in 1909 in
Geiersberg (father of U.S. Secretary of State Madeline Albright), the villa at the
Hradschin Plaza No. 11, now the restaurant "U Labuti". Previously, the
very-well-to-do German owner, the Nebrich family, had to leave their villa at a
moment's notice with only hand-carried belongings. In 1948, the Koeerbels, who in
the meantime called themselves Korbel, took with them in their escape to the
U.S.A., the entire inventory, including valuable oil paintings. The German Spiegel
commented on this (17/1999). Madeleine Albright and her brother are thus far
refusing to return the stolen property to the Nebrich sisters.

Another important, downright fateful personality in the web of Czech-American
connection built mainly by Masaryk, was Emanuel Viktor Voska. He was born in
Kuttenberg 9Kutna Hora) on the 4th of November in 1875 and emigrated to America
in 1894. The trained stone-sculptor became construction entrepreneur, bought
several marble quarries and quickly attained considerable wealth. This man, hardly
mentioned by historians, was also politically very active, intimately close to Charles
Crane, and worked extensively with Czech militant associations in America and the
Wilson government. He was the leader of the Czech "Sokol", a socialistic
association, and the association of Free Thinkers. He was also a publisher of
several magazines in the Czech language. In 1902 he he became acquainted with
Masaryk. In 1910 and 1912 he invited Masaryk and organized at his own expense,
exclusive lecture tours in the U.S.A., at which time considerable sums of money
were collected for Masaryk's effort to destroy the Habsberg Empire.

During that time there were, besides Voska, Stefan Osusky, an attorney in Chicago
(1889 - 1973), and Vojta Benes (1878-1951), who had emigrated to the U.S.A. in 1915.
They were active in the Czech resistance in the U.S.A. and were able to collect
large contributions for Masaryk, In the fall of 1914, there began the close
collaboration of Masaryk with the brother of Vojta, Eduard Benes (1884-1948), and
somewhat later with M.R. Stefanik (1880-1919). Both lived in Paris and cultivated
contacts with the highest French, Italian and English circles. Thus, Paris was the
European center of the Czechoslovakian underground organization, which stood in
close connection with the "Mafia" of Prague, led by Karel Kramar (1860 - 1937).

Preparing For World War I
And the Destruction of the
Austrian-Hungarian Empire

In June 1914, Voska came to Prague to see Thomas Garrigue Masaryk and other
Czech politicians to consult in the event of a possible war. On his return trip at the
end of August in 1914, he traveled from Holland to London. There he gave to W.
Steed of the Englsh Secret Service Masaryk's detailed report concerning the
political situation in Austria-Hungary. After Voska's return to the U.S.A., he
advancd the Czech association of the American Czechs and Slovaks. He organized
actions for the support of the Czech resistance against the Austrian-Hungarian
Monarchy and financed it decisevely from both his own sources and also through
donations from associations. In 1914/1915 he founded a courier service between
native and the foreign Czech resistance. Already instituted by Masaryk, he could
skim dependable sources directly fro the Viennese Court and forward this
valuable, up-to-date information, to the Western Allies. For this, he was generously
financed by the English Secret Service. At times, he engaged two couriers
monthly, en-route between Vienna, Prague, Paris, London, Chicago and
Washington.   Until 1917, St. Petersburg was also included. In 1915, he founded
with Czech countrymen in the U.S.A., counterespionage agains the German and
Austria-Hungarian espionage service.

While in Switzerland, on the 6th of July in 1915, Masaryk declared wat against
Austria-Hungary in the name of the yet only aspiring Czechoslovakia. Masaryk
encouraged Czech and Slovak soldiers to desert. Sometimes, even entire units up
to the regimental level deserted from the Austrian-Hungarian frontlines to Russia,
the Balkans and Italy. They became known as legionaries. For that< Masaryk,
Benes and some others, were sentenced to death in absentia for high treason by
the Austrian court. Later they were pardoned by Emperor Karl, the successor of
Franz Josef.

After the declaration of war by the U.S.A. in the spring of 1917, Voska was called
into the American army with the rank of captain, and he became the liaison officer
between the Czech legions and the U.S. army. From April until September of 1917
he was in Russia (at the same time as Masaryk). There he organized the American
espionage service (Slav Press Bureau). In 1918/1919 he was in charge of the
Central-European espionage section of the American General Staff.

Voaka, from the beginning of the war, informed the decision-making personalities
of the personal liaison between Masaryk and President Wilson (!). In 1919, he
became consultant for the American delegation at the Peace Conference in Paris.

Conference partner to the Czech delegation under the leadership of Karel Kramar
was Dr. Eduard Benes. This delegation was counted among the victorious powers.
Therefore, it had in addition to this status, its direct authorities in the circle of the
American President. (On June 3, 1918, Masaryk's outline). The French side was led
by Clemenceau (incidentally, when he died, he was buried standing up-a fact
known by Johannes Rammund De Balliel-Lawrora through his grandfather, Anton
Balliel), whose hatred of the German-Austrian war enemies was well known. Also
the propaganda activity of the Benes group in Paris and the politicians of the
Western powers was supported by the counsel of Masaryk, Benes, Stefanik and
Voska. American politicians often were not able to differentiate betwee Bosnia,
Bohemia, Slovena and Slovakia. Thus, Benes especially, was able to operate with
falsified maps relative to the settlement area and false statements as to the
number of Sudeten--Germans and Magyars. He used a number of 1.6 million
instead of the factual figure of 3.6 million Sudeten-Germans and well over a million
other ethnic groups. The Sudeten-German representation under Rudolf Lodgman
vonAuen, (1877-19620, as part of the German-Austrian delegation, was from the
outset in a losing position. Thus the Austrian-Hungarian Empire, in the dictate of
St. Germain was destroyed, which would have been the foundation of United
Europe. The U.S. Senate never ratified the treaties of Saint-Germain and Versailles
and thus,world War II was aklo continuation of these conflicts. (Incidentally, at
Versailles, the Germans and Austrians were forced to sit on shortened stools so
that the so-called victorious allies could further insult those that lost the war. All
questions thrown at the Germans and Austrian were answered as questions by the
allies, and answered by them, in order to further degrade their characters -
GAWHS).

After 1919 Voska lived as a businessman and entrepreneur in the CSR. Politically,
he was active in the Social-Democratic Party, and published several articles about
the Czech resistance during World War I. In 1936/1937 he supported the
Communist revolution in Spain. On the 16th of March in 1939 he was arrest by the
Gestapo, but for "reasons of Health" was soon released. In June of 1939 he was
aple to return to the U.S.A.

In 1940 Voska's book Spy and Counterspy was published, which he had written
together with W. Irwin. From 1941-1945 he was in Turkey as an American itelligence
officer (colonel), returning to the CSR in 1945. He was incarceratedmby the Czech
communists in 1959. He died shortly after his release in 1960 and was
posthumously fully rehabilitated in 1991.

The close and direct connection and the immediate influence of the Czech
emigrants, respectively such dependable authorities as Charles Crane and Voska
upon the Wilson government, obviously played a substantial role in the entry of the
U.S.A. into World War I in 1917. The Czechs and their friends were interested in
the total defeat of the Central Powers, especially Austria-Hungary. Due to the
absence of Russia on the battlefield following the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, they
saw their goal in great danger. The American declaration of war in 1917 and the
later deployment of 1.2 million U.S. troops, gave Masaryk and his group new
confidence. When, on the 18th of October in 1918, President Wilson declined to
accept the last peace offer of the Austrian Emperor Karl, it elicited an immense
jubilation amont Czech nationalists. On the same day, Masaryk proclaimed in
Pittsburgh the foundation of Czechoslovakia. This was the deathblow for the
Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy. Czech politicians claimed that President Wilson and
the Allies in Central Europe would not have acted without the consent of Masaryk.
With that, the U.S.A. attained a position of World power.

Masaryk, through his manifold fund raising actions, meanwhile had substantial
financial means at his personal disposal. Without difficulty, he was able to
undertake numerous travels with his daughter Olga between America and Europe
to the Far East and Russia. In addition, he provided for the pay of his
collaborators, couriers and agents, including the legionaries. In 1923, he agave
each of his family members and also Eduard Benes 2.05 million Kc. He bought a
house in Auspitz for his legal father, and for his "half brother" Ludwig, he equipped
a printing shop. Considerable amounts were also transferred to various friends,
publishers and foundations. In 1932, he deposited 10 million Kc into the Masaryk
Foundation. (At that time, the country was in a depression).

During the course of his life Masaryk evolved from a young German-Austrian
scholar, who only advocated a larger Bohemian autonomy, into a champion,
intellectually and linguistically, for a Czech national state. He demanded the /czech
claim for everything within the borders of Bohemia, Moravia, Sudeten-Silesia and
Slovakia. In his message on the 23rd of December in 1918, he described the
Sudeten-Germans as having come into the country as immigrants and colonists. In
an interview on the 10th of January in 1919 he indicated, one would for these
strangers in the country ... perhaps create a certain modus vivendi, and should
they prove to be loyal citizens, it might even be possible for our parliament to grant
them, at least in the arena of public education, a certain autonomy. In areas
settled by Germans he said: "Besides, I am convinced, that a very swift
de-germanization of these areas will take place". It is imaginable that he would
expect for the Germans in the country, or at least for many of them,to be Czechs, as
he did himself.

As it emerges from the memoirs of Herbert Hoover, Wilson's successor in the
American presidency, Masaryk was even willing to forgo a part of western Bohemia,
in order not to incorporate many Germans into the new state. He asked Hoover "to
influence President Wilson to the effect that the Presidentg might oppose the
integration of this area, because it would place him (Masaryk) into a difficult
situation with his colleagues if he were to do it himself"> Less Germans in the land
would have meant that even with a relative autonomy of the ethnic groups, the
Czech majority vs. the sum of all the others would have been secured. However, in
the negotiations agt Saint-Germain, the French prevailed, especially Clemenceau,
who "insisted upon leaving as many Germans as possible in Czechoslovakia in
order to weaken Germany". Now Masaryk and Benes stressed sepecially the thesis
of a Czech-Slovakian nation in order to insure the majority through the inclusion of
the Slovaks. Masaryk also had the confidence of M. R. Stefanik, the Slovak leader.
Yet he, because of President Wilson's 14 points regarding the peoples'
self-determination was only agreeable to begin with a cantonal federation (similar
to Switzerland) of states for a probationary period of ten years. Through this
substantial demand in the name of the Slovakian people, he became antagonized
with Eduard Benes. This was "the reward" for having introduced Benes into the
highest political circles in France and Italy. Also for organizing the Czech and
Slovak legions who, independent of their questionable actions in Russia, served
as proof of the Czech war participation and thus, the new nation was counted as a
victorious power.   It became the key to the foundation of the state.

After the conclusion of the peace conference of St. Germaine, most of the
promises were ignored by Benes and Masaryk. Czechoslovakia actually should
have become a non-military state with guaranteed self-determination, fashioned in
the character of Switzerland (neutrality and cantonal autonomy). The first
demonstration of power by the Czechoslovak state was the military occupation of
the Sudetenland and Slovakia, crushing all resistance by force. The national
minorities had to mourn their first dead. (March 4, 1919 over 50 German
demonstrators including women and children were shot to death and many were
wounded).

The only one in opposition to be taken seriously in this matter, was the Slovak
Stefanik, a French Officer, and in the end a general. His deadly "accident" on the
4th of May in 1919, eliminated him. (This was most likely an assassination, like that
of Jan Masaryk in 1948).

The bodily decline of the elerly Masaryk, who was becomin increasingly blind and
senile, allowed Benes an altogether free hand, and the great tragedy took its
course, making the 3.5 Million Sudeten Germans and the minorities strangers in
their own homeland. Certainly not what was promised to be a country like
Switzerland.

From Another Poin Of View

Masaryk & America - Testimony of a Relationship

From the Introduction of Subject Book

             By George J. Kovtun

     Library of Congress
       Washington 1988

In 1902, Masaryk traveled to America at the invitation of the philanthropic
industrialist Charles R. Crane, who had established a foundation for Slavic lectures
at the university of Chicago. By a happy coincidence, Crane turned out to be a
friend of Woodrow Wilson's, a fact that was to serve Masaryk well until 1918. Two
years elapsed between Masaryk's first and second journeys to America. During
this period, he became a well-known figure in Czech public life. He was assigned
to the new Czech university in Prague as a philosophy professor, after which he
founded a periodical, Athenaeum, in which he practiced what he called "scientific
criticism". He published several books on the problems of Czech history and
politics, and on social andphilosophical questions. In the years 1891-93 he
represented the Young Czech Party in the Austrian parliament in Vienna.

During Masaryk's second visit in the USA (which lasted three months) Masaryk
made an extended tour of the Czech immigrant centers, visiting New York,
Chicago, St. Louis, Baltimore, Cleveland, Cedar Rapids, and other cities. He had
not yet presented a political program of independence, but speaking on a variety
of subjects (religion, socialism, Czech literature and history) he clearly contributed
to Czech and also Slovak national aspirations.

On his third visit, in 1907, Masaryk came to America as a Czech intellectual whose
political role had received fresh impetus. He began his journey shortly after
having been elected a member of the Vienna Parliament for a second term,
representing the small Progressive Party, which he helped create in 1900. He
arrived in New York on August 7 and stayed in America for two months. He
participated in the Congress of the Religious Liberals in Boston and again visited
the Czech immigrants. His appearances before the Czech-Americans culminated in
a series of speeches delivered at the Association of Czech Freethinkers in
Chicago.

It was his fourth and last visit to America that made history. He came at the
beginning of May 1918, as the leader of the Czechoslovak Liberation Movement,
and left in November, already the first President of Czechoslovakia (without any
vote by the Czech or Slovak people). Masaryk had left Austria-Hungary in
December 1914, traveling to then neutral Italy. From there he moved to
Switzerland and to France, and in October 1915 settled down in Great Britain. He
worked for the cause of a "free Czechoslovakia" in the West European Allied
capitals. When the Tsarist autocracy was replaced by a provisional republican
government in Petrograd in March of 1917, Mazaryk went from England to Russia,
where he hoped to recruit thousands of volunteers from the ranks of the Czech
and Slovak prisoners and deserters of war for his army. During World War I,
Masaryk traveled with a false passport he had received from the British
government, alway as a "Professor".   In Russia he succeeded in organizing the
largest Czechoslovak army in Russian domestic conflicts, and its later transfer to
France, where reinforcements were sorely needed against the German onslaught.
(Contrary to these agreements, Czech legions robbed and even destroyed Russian
villages).

Recognizing the growing importance of the United States, which finally declared
war on Austria-Hungary in December 1917, Masaryk traveled to America. He
crossed European Russia and Siberia in a train. After a brief stay in Japan, he
sailed from Yokohama to Vancouver, and arrived i n Chicago on May 5, 1918.

His political aims became evident in the second section of the book. ("Lobbying
for an Independent State"), consisting mainly of documents which show the
American Czechs and Slovaks campaigning for a program of self-determination and
independence, as well as Masaryk's own explanation of his goals. In the third
section of the book, ("Masaryk and American ideals" and "Masaryk and Wilson") we
see from Masaryk' declarations, statements, and letters how he valued American
democratic tradition, and Woodrow Wilson as the interpreter of this tradition.
Clever as he was, he became a mastermind behind Wilson's Fourteen Points of
Self-determination for Europe, which was a direct contradiction to Wilson's
"melting pot" ideology in the United States.

Masaryk owed his invitation to lecture at Chicago University in 1902 to the
recommendation of the French Slavist Louis Leger and to his knowledge of
English. Before his second trip to the United States he was visited by one of the
founders of Slavic studies in America, Leo Wiener who wrote the first report about
Masaryk for the American press.

During his last visit in the United States before the First World War in 1907,
Masaryk earned the special attention of the Association of Galician and Bukovinian
Jews, which held a public gathering in his honor.

Before returning to the United States in September of 1914, Voska offered himself
to Masaryk as a courier for his contacts with the Western countries.

In March of 1915, most of the scattered Czech groups were united in the Bohemian
National Alliance (BNA). In October of the same year, the BNA formally entered into
an agreement with the Slovak organization, the Slovak League of America, to
pursue jointly the aim of political independence under the banner of
self-determination.

Before the Czech and Slovak immigrants could develop their anti-Habsburg
propaganda effectively, Masaryk sought assistance from individual American
sympathizers, among whom Charles R. Crane was the key person. Masaryk
informed Crane in a letter written on February 1915, from Geneva, that the
Czechoslovak revolutionaries "prepare the extreme steps a nation can and must
do to get her independence", and asked for financial help. Crane furnished
material assistance and arranged for the first interview by an American
correspondent with Masaryk during the war.

Not all the people who were willing to recommend Masaryk to Wilson's attention
believed in the feasibility and success of Masaryk's aim. The American Journalist
Norman Hapgood, a friend of Wilson's, sent a copy of one of Masaryk's memoranda
from London to the White House on January 29, 1917, but said in his accompanying
letter. "I myself am not for an independent Bohemia, but I think Professor Masaryk
deserves a hearing".

The first recognition of Masaryk's idea was given by France in the time of the
premiership of Briand, who promised assistance to the Czech people. When
President Wilson sent his inquiry to the Allies concerning their program, their
response included, among other things, the independence of the Czechoslovak
nation. That was solemnly promised by the Allies.

Masaryk in the Spotlight

Officially Washington received Masaryk as an expert on Russia who, it was hoped,
would throw some new light on the enigmatic developments in that disorganized
country. His idea of psychological warfare, which made use of the antagonism
between the Slavic peoples of Austria and the German-oriented government was,
however, not always understood by the diplomats.

When Breckinridge Long (Third Assistant Secretary of State) on September 17, 1918
wrote his second memorandum dealing with Masaryk, the United States had already
recognized Masaryk's movement as the de facto government of Czechoslovakia.
The subjects of the conversation between Long and Masaryk included economic
assistance and the situation of Czechoslovak Legions in Russia. Masaryk used the
opportunity to reemphasize his concept of the independence of small nations as a
necessary and useful principle of international order, which he did not actually plan
to implement in Czechoslovakia, though in America he did not admit to this.

In October 1918, Masaryik prepared the Czechoslovak Declaration of
Independence, which was clearly inspired by the American Declaration of 1776.
(What a propaganda scheme it was). The Czechoslovak Declaration (whose official
version is in English), was drafted by Masaryk, edited with the assistance of
several American friends, and released by Masaryk in October of 1918, as the final
solemn act of his revolutionary movement.

   Masaryk and Wilson

The first message, addressed by Masaryk directly to Wilson, arrived in Washington
on December 13, 1917. Masaryk sent a telegram from Kiev after he had heard the
United States declaratio of war on Austria-Hungary. He was convinced that
America's full participation in the war against the Central Powers was the logical
conclusion of a necessary development. (Now, the United States supports the
creation of a European Union, which existed in a small way, during the time of the
Austrain-Hungarian Empire, which had to be destroyed in 1919).

The first meeting between Masaryk and Wilson is described in two documents.
Shortly after his visit to the White House on June 19, 1918, Masaryk wrote a hasty
note in Czech, summarizing the main points of the conversation. The note was
published in a Czech collection of coduments in Prague in 1953. For his own
record and to inform his friends, Masaryk also wrote, or dictated an English note on
his meeting with Wilson. One copy of the note was handed to Richard Crane, the
son of Charles R. Crane and private secretary to Robert Lansing.

After it had become obvious that the Czechoslovak soldiers in Russia were
entangled in a conflict with Bolshevik units (because they were robbing peasants).
Masaryk asked the American Government for assistance. Wilson, while maintaining
his negative view concerning a military intervention in Russia, was finally
impressed by the appeals of France and Britain and agreed to dispatch several
thousand American troops to the area of Vladivostok, not to intervene in Russian
affairs, but to safeguard "the country to the rear of the westward-moving
Czech-Slovak Legionnaires."   Masaryk was thankful for the decision.

When Masaryhk came to see Wilson on September 11, 1918, the question under
discussion included assistance for the Czechoslovak Army in Russia, the recent
agreement between the Czechoslovak National Council and the British
government, and the possibility of a Japanese supreme command over foreign
troops in Siberia. (Mostly Czech and Slovak legionnaires).

In October 1918, Masaryk became the head of the Mid-European Union, a group of
Central European representatives, residing in the United States. On October 26,
1918, the Mid-European Union, convening in Philadelphia issued a "democratic"
manifesto called the "Declaration of Common Aimes". Masaryk used the
opportunite to send the declaration to Wilson to explain his concept of European
reconstruction (Wilson's Fourteen Points).

The last meeting between Masaryk and Wilson took place on November 15, 1918.
Masaryk, fearing a loss of prestige for the American President, advised Wilson
against becoming personally involved in mthe detailed European questions at the
peace conference. His apprehension is shown in a Czech note written in his hand
and published in facsimile in Jan Herben's biography. T. G. Masaryk. (Wilson in
poor healtlh, had become a liability in the upcoming dictates of peace).

From Masaryk's book Svetova Revoluce (The Making of a State): "I begun my
personal relations with President Wilson relatively late. I arrived in Washington on
May 9, 1918, aned met Wilson for the first time on June 19, the invitation being
conveyed by Mr. Charles R. Crane. "In all my political campaigns abroad it has
been my method to try to influence statesmen through public declarations, articles,
and interviews. And before I saw the President, I spoke with people with whom he
was in contact aned who had a certain influence on him." (This, in his own words,
was the corrupt nature of Masaryk.

The New Europe

In his work, Masaryk expressed the need to explain why he had begun his
revolutionary activity. At the heart of The New Europe lies Masaryk's demand to
create an independent Czechoslovak state. This, however, was not an isolated
goal. Masaryk also "demanded" an independent Poland and Yugoslavia and an
entire zone of independent nations between Germany and Russia. The political
reconstruction of Eastern Europe was considered by him "the principal problem in
the aftermath of the war". He invokes the principle of national self-determination,
but he also sees that in many territories with mixed population, the border lines
between the states could not be based on ethnographic factors (a total
contradiction to self determination). The new states in which the "small oppressed
Slavic" nations will exercise their political freedom will be created within historical
and natural borders. Inevitably, these states will include national minorities which
will be guaranteed their civil rights by an international agreement, and possibly by
an international arbitration tribunal for national questions. (This he never
permitted and certainly did not plan).

Twenty years later, World War II broke out, as a direct consequence of the stupidity
and injustice at Versailles and Saint Germaine. Czechoslovakia broke apart twice,
first in 1938/39 and then in 1992. Three and a half Million Sudeten Germans were
made homeless in 1945/46, over 240 thousand killed and the rest expelled in
addition to a few hundred thousand from Slovakia. Between 1948 and 1989, Czechs
and Slovaks had to endure self-inflicted tyranny by Communists. Now, extremely
poor nations are not willing to accept U.S. House Resolution No. 562 of October 13,
1998 to permit the return or compensation of those expelled. Yet, they eagerly
wanted to join NATO and now the European Union, the very constellation, which
existed in a small way, in the Habsburg Empire, which Masaryk, with the help of the
Western Allies, in 1919 destroyed.

In this essay, we cannot expand deeper reviewing the situation in Poland and
Yugoslavia. Especially the latter has become a land of hostilities with no real
peace and harmony in sight. When will the Government of the United States stop
reconstructing the world by supporting revolutionaries and terrorists? In view of
September 11, 2001, this would be the only way to protect our people from such
"Freedom Fighters", or better terrorists.

Had World War I dended differently, the Bolshevik Revolution would have not likely
succeeded, and World War II would have been prevented. The tyranny, which
Stalin forced on Eastern Europe after World War II, for over forty years, would have
not taken place. Not to mention the Cold War, the ten trillion dollars, which the
American taxpayers had to pay and the twenty-six additional wars, which Americans
had to fight, just to mention Korea and Vietnam and the problems in the Middle
East and Africa. If we had stayed neutral, as our Founding Fathers intended, and
certainly did not envision this kind of foreign policy, we would not have become
the target of international terrorism. Will we learn from history, or will we continue
the course of "reconstructing and policing" the world? Can we win the war against
terrorism if we continue to support terrorists, as was Masaryk?

Bibliography:
1. Dr. Ferdinand D. Katzer: "Was ueber T.G. Masaryk und Boehmen oft im Dunkeln
bleibt", Sudetendeutsche Zeitung, November 24, 2000.

2. Prof. Dr. Josef Kalvoda: "The Genesis of Czechoslovakia", New York 1986.

3. George J. Kovtun: "Masaryk & America", Library of Congress, Washington 1988.

4. Charles Richard Crane, the National Encyclopedia of American Biography, page
221-222.

5. Woodrow Wilson, the National Encyclopedia of American Biography, page
169-170.

6. Edith Bolling Galt Wilson, the National Encyclopedia of American Biography.

7. "Bohemia", Deutsche Zeitung, "Die erste Botschaft Masaryks" (Masaryk's first
message). 23. December 1919.

8. Emanuel Victor Voska and Will Irwin: "Spy and Counterspy", Doubleday, Doran &
Co., Inc. New York, 1940.

9. David F. Houston: "Eight years with Wilson's Cabinet 1913 to 1920", Doubleday,
Page & Company, New York 1923.

10. Sophie A. Welisch: "Die Sudetendeutsche Frage 1918-1928, Verlag Robert
Lerche, Muenchen, 1980, ISBN 3-87478-124-0.

11. Sudetendeutsche Atlas, Sudetendeutsche Landsmanschaft, Muenchen.

Prepared for presentation at the Twenty-Sixth Annual Symposium of the Society for
German-American Studies, Amana Colonies, Iowa, April 18-21, 2002.

Recognition:

The author appreciates and recognizes the important library research of
Titanila Strbova, including translations from Czech language into English
and transcription of the manuscript and the translation from German into
English by Hans-Jochen Holz.