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   Post-Soviet states
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The post-Soviet states, also commonly known as the former Soviet
Union (FSU) or former Soviet republics, are the 15 independent
nations that split off from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in
its breakup in December 1991. Excluding the Baltic states (which
were independent before World War II and already in 1989
signalled their political intention to dissociate themselves from the
rest of the Soviet Union), they were also referred to as the Newly
Independent States (NIS).

Post-Soviet states in English alphabetical order:
1. Armenia; 2. Azerbaijan; 3. Belarus; 4. Estonia;
5. Georgia; 6. Kazakhstan; 7. Kyrgyzstan; 8. Latvia;
9. Lithuania; 10. Moldova; 11. Russia; 12. Tajikistan;
13. Turkmenistan; 14. Ukraine; 15. UzbekistanContents [hide]
1 States and geographical groupings
2 Economy
3 Regional organizations
3.1 Commonwealth of Independent States
3.1.1 Eurasian Economic Community
3.1.2 Collective Security Treaty Organization
3.1.3 GUAM
3.1.4 Union of Russia and Belarus
3.2 Other regional organizations
3.2.1 Economic Cooperation Organization
3.2.2 Community of Democratic Choice
3.2.3 Shanghai Cooperation Organization
3.2.4 For economic cooperation
3.2.5 For political integration and security alliances
3.2.6 In other domains than free trade and security
4 Politics
4.1 Separatist conflicts
4.2 Civil wars
4.3 Colour revolutions
4.4 Russian population in post-Soviet states
4.5 Religion
5 See also
6 References
7 External links

States and geographical groupings:

Typical groupings of the post-Soviet states:

Russia

Central Asian states

Eastern European states

Baltic states

Transcaucasian statesThe 15 post-Soviet states are typically
divided into the following five groupings. Each of these regions has
its own common set of traits, owing not only to geographic and
cultural factors but also to that region's history in relation to
Russia. In addition, there are a number of de facto independent, but
internationally unrecognized states (see the section Separatist
conflicts below).

Baltic:

Estonia
Latvia
Lithuania

Eastern Europe:

Belarus
Moldova
Ukraine

Transcaucasus:

Armenia
Azerbaijan
Georgia

Central Asia:

Kazakhstan
Kyrgyzstan
Tajikistan
Turkmenistan
Uzbekistan
Eurasia

Russia:

Economy:

Population trends 1970-2007: USSR and FSU[1]
GDP (in US$) 1970-2007: USSR and FSU[2]The collapse of the
Soviet Union took place as a result and against the backdrop of
general economic stagnation, even regression. As the Gosplan,
which had deliberately set up production chains to cross SSR lines,
broke down, the inter-republic economic connections were also
disrupted, leading to even more serious breakdown of the post-
Soviet economies.

Most of the formerly Soviet states began the transition to a market
economy in 1990-1991 and made efforts to rebuild and restructure
their economic systems, with varying results. The process triggered
a severe transition decline, with Gross Domestic Product (GDP)
dropping by more than 40% between 1990 and 1995.[3] This decline
in GDP was much more intense than the 27% decline that the
United States suffered in the wake of the Great Depression
between 1930 and 1934.[4] The reconfiguration of public finance in
compliance with the principles of market economy resulted in
dramatically reduced spending on health, education and other social
programs, leading to a sharp increase in poverty.[5]

The initial transition decline was eventually arrested by the
cumulative effect of market reforms, and after 1995 the economy
in the post-Soviet states began to recover, with GDP switching
from negative to positive growth rates. By 2007, 10 of the 15 post-
Soviet states had reached GDP greater than what they had in 1991.
[6] Only Moldova, Ukraine, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan
had GDP significantly below the 1991 level. The recovery in Russia
was marginal, with GDP in 2006-2007 just nudging above the 1991
level. This could be perceived as failure of capitalism to improve
the standard of living in Russia, and combined with the aftershocks
of the 1998 economic crisis it led to a return of more interventionist
economic policies by the Putin's administration.[citation needed]

Change in Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in constant prices, 1991-
2007[6]

Country 1991 1995 2000 2005 2007 Turnaround
year*
Baltic states
Estonia 100.0 76.0 99.6 143.7 166.0 1995
Latvia 100.0 60.9 80.3 118.4 138.1 1994
Lithuania 100.0 61.5 76.0 109.6 123.7 1995
Central Asia
Kazakhstan 100.0 68.9 77.8 127.1 148.7 1996
Kyrgyzstan 100.0 56.6 74.3 89.1 98.7 1996
Tajikistan 100.0 43.5 50.0 78.2 89.5 1997
Turkmenistan 100.0 65.4 79.8 167.4 188.9 1998
Uzbekistan 100.0 82.5 93.6 117.2 132.0 1996
Transcaucasus
Armenia 100.0 45.9 59.0 104.5 119.1 1994
Azerbaijan 100.0 41.5 58.1 101.2 157.0 1996
Georgia 100.0 35.8 47.3 66.3 74.1 1995
Eastern European states
Belarus 100.0 66.1 89.7 128.4 140.9 1996
Moldova 100.0 47.3 41.7 58.4 65.0 2000
Ukraine 100.0 52.4 47.5 68.7 73.3 2000
Russia 100.0 65.4 70.7 95.3 106.8 1999

*The year when GDP decline switched to GDP growth.

Regional organizations:

CIS members:

States that joined EU and NATO:

Other EU and/or NATO membersA number of regional
organizations and cooperating blocs have sprung up since the
dissolution of the Soviet Union. Only organizations that are mainly
(or completely) composed of post-Soviet states are listed in this
section; organizations with wider memberships are not discussed.
The 15 post-Soviet states are divided in their participation to the
regional blocs:

Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine founded the Commonwealth of
Independent States (CIS) in December 1991. It was conceived as a
successor organization to the USSR, and as of December 1993 it
included 12 of the 15 former Soviet republics (except the three
Baltic states).[7
]
The three Baltic states have not sought membership to any of these
post-Soviet organizations, seeking and achieving membership in the
European Union and NATO instead (only their electricity and rail
systems remain closely connected with former Soviet
organizations). The sole exception to the above has been their
recent membership in the Community of Democratic Choice.
The Central Asian states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan,
and Uzbekistan (as well as Belarus) are members of the CIS and
participate in several regional organizations that have Russia as a
primary mover. Such organizations are the EurAsEc (merged with
CACO), CSTO, and the SCO. The last two groups only became
distinct once Uzbekistan withdrew from GUAM and sought
membership in EurAsEc and CSTO.

Armenia besides its membership in CIS participates in CSTO only.
Ukraine, Moldova, and Azerbaijan participate in the CIS but other
than that they mostly cooperate within regional organizations that
are not dominated by Russia. Such organizations are GUAM and
the Community of Democratic Choice. Although Ukraine is one of
the three founding countries of the CIS, it is legally not a member
because it has never ratified the 1993 CIS Charter.[7]
Turkmenistan is an associate member of CIS (having withdrawn
from full membership in August 2005)[8] and a member in the
Economic Cooperation Organization; it has not sought closer
integration in any of the other Western or post-Soviet
organizations.

Georgia notified (on August 18, 2008) the CIS executive organs of
its decision to leave the regional organization,[9][10] and according
to the CIS Charter (sec. 1, art. 9) this decision will come into force
12 months after the notification date.[11]

Commonwealth of Independent States:

The Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) consists of 12
former Soviet Republics that differ in their membership status. As
of September 2008, 9 countries have ratified the CIS charter and
are full CIS members (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Moldova,
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan), one
country (Turkmenistan) is an associate member, one country
(Georgia) has declared its decision to leave the CIS, and one
country (Ukraine) is a founding and participating country, but
legally not a member country.

Eurasian Economic Community:

EAEC members
GUAM members
Other CIS membersMain article: Eurasian Economic
Community:

The Eurasian Economic Community (EURASEC) was established
by Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, having
grown out of the CIS Customs Union. Ukraine and Moldova have
observer status in the community, however Ukraine has declared its
desire not to become a full member state. Because having common
borders with the rest of the community is a prerequisite for full
membership, Moldova is thus barred from seeking it. Uzbekistan
applied for membership in October 2005 [1], when the process of
merging CACO and the Eurasian Economic Community began; it
joined on 25 January 2006.

Collective Security Treaty Organization:

CSTO members
GUAM members
Other CIS membersMain article: Collective Security Treaty
Organization

Seven CIS member states, namely Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Armenia, have enhanced
their military cooperation, establishing the Collective Security
Treaty Organization (CSTO), this being an expansion of the
previous Collective Security Treaty (CST). Uzbekistan which
(alongside Georgia and Azerbaijan) withdrew from the CST in
1999, joined GUAM. Then in 2005 it withdrew from GUAM and
currently it is again seeking closer ties with Russia (thus in 2006 it
has joined EurAsEc and later CSTO). CSTO and EurAsEc are
closely related organizations.

GUAM Organization for Democracy and Economic
Development:

Four member states, namely Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and
Moldova established the GUAM group that was largely seen as
intending to counter Russian dominance in the region. Notably,
these four nations don't participate in any of the other regional
organizations that sprang up in the region since the dissolution of
the Soviet Union (other than the CIS).

Union of Russia and Belarus:

Russian Federation
Republic of Belarus
Other CIS membersMain article: Union of Russia and
Belarus

The Union of Russia and Belarus was originally formed on April 2,
1996 under the name Commonwealth of Russia and Belarus, before
being tightened further on December 8, 1999. It was initiated by the
president of Belarus, Alexander Lukashenko. On paper, the Union
of Russia and Belarus intends further integration, beyond the scope
of mere cooperation, including the introduction of the ruble as a
common currency.

Other regional organizations:

Economic Cooperation Organization:

Community of Democratic Choice:

Economic Cooperation OrganizationThe Economic Cooperation
Organization was originally formed in 1985 by Turkey, Iran and
Pakistan but in 1992 the organization was expanded to include
Afghanistan and the six primarily Muslim former Soviet republics:
Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan
and Uzbekistan.

[
Community of Democratic Choice:

The Community of Democratic Choice (CDC) was formed in
December 2005 at the primary instigation of Ukraine and Georgia,
and composed of six post-Soviet states (Ukraine, Georgia,
Moldova, and the three Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and
Lithuania) and three other countries of Eastern Europe (Slovenia,
Romania and the Republic of Macedonia). The Black Sea Forum
(BSF) is a closely related organization.

Just like GUAM before it, this forum is largely seen as intending to
counteract Russian influence in the area. This is the only
international forum centered in the post-Soviet space in which the
Baltic states also participate. In addition, the other three post-
Soviet states in it are all members of GUAM.

Shanghai Cooperation Organization

Shanghai Cooperation Organization:
Member state

Observer stateThe Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), is
composed of China and five post-Soviet states, namely Russia,
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The
organization was founded in 2001, though its predecessor, the
Shanghai Five grouping, has existed since 1996. Its aims revolve
around security-related issues.

Post-Soviet states are also members in the following organizations
in Balkans and Black Sea regions (but those organisations are not
centered with Russia as the main mover)

For economic cooperation:

Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA) with Moldova (it
includes also non post-soviet countries of the former Yugoslavia;
previously, also included other Central European countries that left
CEFTA when joining the European Union ; CEFTA plays a role in
Central Europe similar to what EFTA provides in Western Europe for
non EU-members; this alliance an economical organization with strong
cooperation with the European Union, for countries that don't want to
participage in EurAsEC centered on Russia but that are seeking
alliances to the West); even if Moldova is the only CEFTA country that
is still within a weakening CIS, it no longer participates to the CSTO
for most of the common security policy (but can't join the EU because of
incompatibility with WEU stability rules and the unsolved problem of
Transnistria) but can still benefit from the Free Trade Area notably
with Romania and Bulgaria (in the EU).

Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) with Russia, Georgia,
Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Moldova and Armenia (an economic organisation
closely related to the SCO but more focused regionally to include also
Armenia; it also aims for the hamonious development of democracy for
increasing the commerce in South-East Europe and includes some EU
members, so it can’t be a regional free-trade union).

The European Union (EU) with the three Baltic countries that were the
first ones to declare independence from the former USSR and have
never joined CIS after the collapse of USSR (it includes also now some
post-communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe, that have left
CEFTA when entering the EU : Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia,
Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and Slovenia)

For political integration and security alliances:

Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe (SPforSEE) with Moldova
(similar in structure to CEFTA, but does not focus on economy but
security, for those countries that are not NATO members ); this
organization largely cooperates with NATO, and is related to the
group of observers at Western European Union (WEU).

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), for Baltic
countries, Poland, and Central European countries that have also
joined the EU (the EU membership includes also WEU membership
because they follow the CFSP and ESDP policies shared now by the
EU, the WEU and all European NATO members).

The other remaining countries are those part of the former
Yugoslavia, but their recent conflict and political tensions still does
not allow them to cooperate efficiently for their political integration
and for their mutual security; in addition, they still don't have full
sovereignty in this domain (some of them are still under
surveillance by EU or NATO, as mandated by UNO). They still
need to find an internal stability and they can collaborate
economically with the help of other organizations focusing on
economy or political cooperation and development. However a
more limited cooperation for security is possible through their
membership to the larger (and weaker) OSCE.

The only exception is Belarus (whose post-soviet democratic
transition did not occur) that still rejects political integration, and
all security alliances with NATO, OSCE, WEU or other countries in
Europe other than Russia (which the process of reintegration of
Belarus has been tightened in almost all domains).

In other domains than free trade and security:

Southeast European Cooperation Process (SEECP) with Moldova
(similar to SPforSEE, but focuses on political integration than
cooperation for security, and to CEFTA but does not focus on
trade).

Southeast European Cooperative Initiative (SECI) with Moldova
(closely related to SEECP).

Central European Initiative (CEI) with Moldova, Ukraine and
Belarus (and also Central and South-Western European countries
in the European Union; it aims at helping Central European
countries to reach the EU standards and cooperate politically and
find a better economic development and a strong, working but more
democratic legal system); it is the only regional organization where
Belarus is still a member (but the political cooperation with Belarus
is almost stalled, as it is the only Central European country that
balances in favor of stronger cooperation with Russia and against
integration with EU and NATO ; however Belarus remains isolated
and still does not cooperate too in the SCO group lead by Russia
and China).

Black Sea Forum for Partnership and Dialogue (BSF) with Georgia,
Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Moldova and Armenia (also non post-soviet
countries that are NATO members, interested in their maintaining
political stability and avoiding conflicts in the region: Romania,
Bulgaria and Turkey, whose first two are also now EU and CEI
members, using EU rules for their political development); however
this organization does not focus on helping countries to join the EU,
but reaching common standards and good governance and internal
stability and democracy like in the CEI.

(None of these organizations are incompatible with the policy
required for accessing EU membership in the domain of political
cooperation and development).

Merging the CEI and BSF is desired by Central European
countries, that are members of both (often in addition to EU with
stronger objectives) that would like to simplify the development
process, and also members of the Council of Europe that federates
(but at very slow pace) all European efforts of political cooperation
and development through the various regional organizations).

Politics:

Regarding political freedom in the former Soviet republics,
Freedom House's 2006 report listed the following:

Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Ukraine as "free" countries:

In Freedom House's listing for 2005, Ukraine was listed as "partly
free."

Armenia, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, and Moldova were listed as "partly
free."

Russia, Belarus, Azerbaijan and four Central Asian nations
(Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Kazakhstan) were
listed as "not free"—while Turkmenistan in particular received the
worst freedom ratings possible and was listed as one of the eight
most repressive regimes in the year.

Similarly, the Worldwide Press Freedom Index published by
Reporters Without Borders, recorded the following as regards
press freedom:

A good situation in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania.

Noticeable problems in Armenia, Georgia, Moldova and Tajikistan.

A difficult situation in Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Ukraine and Uzbekistan.

A very serious situation in Turkmenistan.

It has been remarked that several post-Soviet states have not
changed leadership since their independence, such as Nursultan
Nazarbayev in Kazakhstan and Islom Karimov in Uzbekistan. All of
these had originally more limited terms but through decrees or
referendums prolonged their stay in office (a practice also followed
by Presidents Alexander Lukashenko of Belarus and Emomalii
Rahmon of Tajikistan). Askar Akayev of Kyrgyzstan had likewise
served as President since its independence until he was forced to
resign as a result of the Kyrgyz revolution of 2005. Saparmurat
Niyazov in Turkmenistan ruled from independence until his death in
2006, creating a personality cult around himself.

The issue of dynastical succession has been another element
affecting the politics of some post-Soviet States, with Ilham Aliyev
becoming President of Azerbaijan after the death of his father
Heydar Aliyev, and theories about the children of other leaders in
Central Asia also being groomed for succession. [2] The
participation of Akayev's son and daughter in the 2005 Kyrgyz
parliamentary elections boosted fears of dynastic succession being
used in Kyrgyzstan as well, and may have contributed to the anti-
Akayev climate that led to his overthrow.

Separatist conflicts:

Most military conflicts in the post-Soviet space have had to do with
the separatist desires of territories with different ethnic or religious
demographics than the majority of the state they're officially
recognized as part of.

Such territories and resulting military conflicts have so far
been:

Chechnya, where separatists have been seeking independence from
Russia. This conflict has bled over into North Ossetia-Alania,
Dagestan and Ingushetia at times, with one example being the
Beslan school attack.

Transnistria, de facto independent from Moldova
Abkhazia and South Ossetia, de facto independent from Georgia,
and Adjara has been seeking higher level of autonomy.

Nagorno-Karabakh, de facto independent from Azerbaijan.

Out of these regions, only one has been fully reincorporated into
their respective countries. Adjara was reincorporated into Georgia
and the conflict there has ended peacefully. Separatist leader Aslan
Abashidze fled to Russia where he was granted asylum.

Chechnya has been involved in two wars, caused by the separatist
forces' desire to make it independent from Russia, and conflict
between the separatists and the federalists still continues.
Currently, Chechnya's official position is as a republic that is part
of the Russian Federation. At the same time there still exists a self-
proclaimed separatist government not recognized by any state.
(However, Georgia recognised Ichkeria briefly in the 1990s.

There is a separatist movement within Dagestan, members of which
fought on the side of the Chechen rebels during the raid of
September, 1999. However, that attack was quickly repelled by the
Russian Armed Forces with the help of some locals who considered
the Chechen attack an invasion rather than a liberation.

Transnistria, Abkhazia and South Ossetia on the other hand, have
achieved de facto independence which is only recognized (for
Abkhazia and South Ossetia) by Russia and Nicaragua; a Russian
military presence also exists in all three of these territories.
Nagorno-Karabakh has likewise achieved a de facto independence,
with Armenian troops having control of all the territory and even of
neighboring parts of Azerbaijan. In 1994 these four regions have
made an agreement of mutual assistance, and their leaders have in
several occasions reiterated such pledges. [3] [4] [5]

The separatist conflicts are sometimes called "Frozen conflicts"
since mass bloodshed has subsided, but sentiments and opinions
continue to be passed down to new generations.

Civil wars:

Civil wars unrelated to separatist movements have occurred twice
in the region:

The Georgian Civil War between the forces of Zviad
Gamsakhurdia and Eduard Shevardnadze. The war ended after
Russian forces intervened in support of Shevardnadze's
government, which in turn agreed to join the Commonwealth of
Independent States.

The Tajikistan Civil War that lasted between 1992 and 1997.

Colour revolutions:

Since 2003, a number of (largely) peaceful "colour revolutions"
have happened in some post-Soviet states after disputed elections,
with popular protests bringing into power the former opposition.

The Rose Revolution in Georgia, leading to the fall from office of
Eduard Shevardnadze.

The Orange Revolution in Ukraine, bringing into power Viktor
Yushchenko.

The Tulip Revolution in Kyrgyzstan, leading to the resignation of
Askar Akayev.

the Denim Revolution in Belarus, a series of protests organized by
the opposition to Alexander Lukashenko

Russians in Ukraine, Russians in Kazakhstan, History of Russians in
Latvia, History of Russians in Estonia, History of Russians in
Lithuania, and Russians in Georgia

There is significant Russophone population in most of post-Soviet
states, whose political position as an ethnic minority varies from
country to country.[12] While Belarus, Kazakhstan and
Kyrgyzstan, in addition to Russia, have kept Russian as an official
language, the language lost its status in other post-Soviet states
after the end of the Soviet Union.

Religion:

While under the Soviet system, religious intellectual life was
eliminated, traditions continued to survive. After the collapse of the
Soviet Union Islamic movements have emerged alongside ethnic
and secular ones. Vitaly Naumkin gives the following assessment.
"Throughout the time of change, Islam has served as a symbol of
identity, a force for mobilization, and a pressure for democracy.
This is one of the few social disasters that the church has survived,
in which it was not the cause. But if successful politically, it faces
economic challenges beyond its grasp."[13]

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